A Coup Against the People

Once again a military dictator has staged a coup in Pakistan. Previous coups saw the army throwing out dysfunctional governments, but in this most recent one it has broken into the Supreme Court and ransacked media offices. Its targets today are not corrupt politicians but rather the civil society of Pakistan. This civil society had long remained passive, but in recent times became more and more critical of Pervez Musharraf’s army-backed rule. The electronic media and the judiciary were refusing to act as his puppets, and his approval ratings were at an all time low. The state of emergency that Musharraf declared on Nov. 3 was thus aimed to preempt civil society from wresting power from him. And while Musharraf has made certain concessions in the aftermath of the declaration, these miniscule measures fall miserably short of securing democracy in Pakistan.

Within minutes of the declaration of emergency, police surrounded the Supreme Court and evicted the judges, including the chief justice, from the premises. They were then placed under house arrest, and a new, compliant judiciary was ushered in. Independent television channels—local and international—were taken off the air 20 minutes before the emergency was actually declared, leaving state-run television as the only source of news for Pakistanis. While international news channels were allowed to return to the air within a week, some of the more critical local news channels like Geo continue to be banned.

Since the proclamation of emergency, the government has arrested hundreds of opposition politicians. Countless lawyers have also been arrested to preempt another organized movement against the government like the one earlier in the year. On Nov. 4, the police raided a meeting of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan and arrested 70 human rights activists, including its president, Asma Jehangir. When university students began to organize protest rallies on campuses around the country, the police ruthlessly fired tear gas and baton-charged protesting students.

Growing international pressure has forced Musharraf to make some concessions. Yesterday, he resigned from the post of Chief of Army Staff and is planning to hold parliamentary elections early next year. He will no longer hold both the positions of Army Chief and President, and some semblance of popular governance will be restored to Pakistan. These were two key demands that Pakistan’s Western allies had made.

However, these steps alone are inadequate. These piecemeal measures are simply not enough to reverse the damage that has been done since Nov. 3. Under the emergency, the fundamental rights of all citizens have been held in abeyance, giving the government license to arrest anyone without due process. For civil society to function again, the emergency must be lifted immediately, and these extraordinary powers must be relinquished. The deposed judges must be reinstated, and the censorship and harassment of the media must end. Draconian ordinances, passed by Musharraf during the emergency, curbing the freedom of the press have to be repealed. The recent amendment to the Army Act, which allows military courts to try civilians, must also be abolished. And most importantly, Musharraf must resign from the presidency. His recent actions have lost him all credibility in the eyes of the Pakistani public and the world at large; a return to normality is not possible until he leaves both politics and the army.

It has been almost one month since the emergency was imposed, and protests continue unabated in Pakistan. Lawyers, students, journalists, and concerned citizens are still voicing their opposition peacefully despite disproportionate use of police force against them. While their perseverance brings hope to many, there is no guarantee that they can continue on, especially if their demands remain ignored. State-sponsored violence and oppression are bound to provoke a strong backlash, and widespread violence is the last thing that Pakistan needs right now—especially as it struggles to fight off Islamist militants in its northern province and tribal areas.

This is not the time for small concessions but rather for meaningful change.The army must surrender power to a freely elected Parliament and must return to the barracks once and for all. Over 50 years of military hegemony must come to an end if the Pakistani people are to receive what was promised to them when independence was won: a government that fights not for its own interests but for the interests of its people.

Hasan Siddiqi ’08 is a neurobiology concentrator in Kirkland House. Shayan Rajani ’09 is a visual and environmental studies concentrator in Pforzheimer House.