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For once, Yale has it right. Upon hearing the news of University
President Lawrence H. Summers’ resignation, Yale President Richard
Levin remarked, “I’m sorry for him, and I’m sorry for Harvard.” As are
we.
Whatever satisfaction was today enjoyed by the elements of
unrest in the Faculty of Arts and Sciences (FAS), it is
unrepresentative of the sobering sense of emptiness that now pervades
Cambridge’s streets. Harvard’s loss is real.
For all the controversy, all the brusqueness, all the je ne sais quoi
that made Summers offensive, for all the faults that Summers brought
with him to Mass. Hall, Summers also brought a vision. More than that,
he brought the ability to articulate that vision and the willingness to
struggle passionately for it.
And we agree with that vision.
As all of his statements yesterday attest, Summers wants to be
remembered as a president who was committed to improving the
undergraduate experience. As his record demonstrates, he deserves such
a legacy. Summers has been a forceful advocate of revamping an outdated
undergraduate curriculum. To this date, Harvard lags unacceptably
behind rival undergraduate institutions in providing a sensible general
education program to its students.
If at times overzealous, the fervor with which Summers
approached the Harvard College Curricular Review (HCCR) was a
refreshing departure from years of stagnation. Some have accused him of
overexerting his influence in the writing of the April 2004 report, but
it is difficult to argue with its ultimate conclusions: the conversion
of the Core Curriculum to an open system of distribution requirements,
the development of broad foundational courses, and the facilitation of
international study.
Moreover, Summers has worked to expand one of the most
successful aspects of the College curriculum: the Freshman Seminar
Program. The number of freshman seminars offered has more than
quadrupled in his time here, notably in the sciences, where few
seminars of any sort had previously been offered. That Summers’
commitment to undergraduate education extended beyond the committee
room and into the classroom, where he taught two freshman seminars and
a lecture course on globalization, stands as a testament to the
authenticity of his conviction.
Under Summers’ leadership, the University established the
Harvard Financial Aid Initiative, which substantially reduced tuition
costs for low-income students and broadened the College’s applicant
pool. Finally, it was a grant from the President’s office this past
fall that will finally begin to address the problems facing social
space in undergraduate life—it earmarked millions of dollars for a pub
in Loker Commons, a café in Lamont, and a plethora of student group
space in the Hilles Building.
More importantly, the seeds sown for improvement in the
undergraduate experience under Summers’ presidency are indicative of
his larger willingness to press for change at an institution by nature
resistant to it.
Summers unforgivingly, and often publicly, made known his
prioritization of certain academic initiatives over others. Given the
occasion to address a crowd, Summers rarely failed to mention his
belief that this era would be defined by a revolution in the life
sciences and by the quickening pace of globalization. His acting on
these beliefs has led, for example, to the bolstering of the Broad
Institute, the planning of the Harvard Stem Cell Institute, and the
establishment of the Harvard Initiative for Global Health and a Chilean
office of the David Rockefeller Center for Latin American Studies. It
was his brazen trumpeting of these priorities that increased his
popularity with students and with a public uninterested in the more
esoteric aspects of academia.
Through these and other initiatives, Summers hoped to fashion
Harvard into a university that more directly served his conception of
the public good. To this end, he has emphasized (and correspondingly
obtained funding for) increased research in the life sciences and in
expanding Harvard’s global footprint.
It is the prerogative of and, more, the duty of a university
president to shift a university’s focus when the demands of the era
require it. After all, Harvard, like most other schools founded in
colonial days, was established primarily as a training institute for
clergy. Reform has come only in battles against the wishes of the
entrenched interests of the time. Harvard’s greatest leaps of progress
have come when its presidents have fought to modernize the University
and redefine its role in accordance with the progressive goals of their
respective eras.
Ultimately, too many of today’s entrenched interests felt
threatened—justified or not—by Summers’ vision, or by the manner in
which he sought to bring his vision to fruition. That was his ultimate
undoing.
We are not blind to the tumult that defined much of Summers’
tenure. The list of indictments is not short. A public spat with former
Fletcher University Professor Cornel R. West ’74 led to the departure
of one of the dynamos of the African and African American Studies
department. Then came Summers’ remarks linking proponents of a
divestment movement from Israel with anti-Semitism “in their effect, if
not their intent”; this accusation alienated professors who felt
Summers was effectively squelching debate.
Last spring, Summers made now-notorious comments suggesting
that differences in intrinsic aptitude between men and women might
account for the under-representation of women in positions of academic
science. This incident catalyzed a series of Faculty meetings that
culminated in an unprecedented vote of “lack of confidence.” More
recently, Summers drew the Faculty’s ire for his dismissal of Dean of
the Faculty William C. Kirby and for lingering allegations of
misconduct in his handling of a government lawsuit, implicating Jones
Professor of Economics Andrei Shleifer ’82, that cost the University
$26.5 million.
Indeed, the charges are not few, and they are compounded by
more widespread frustration with Summers’ heavy-handed and sometimes
opaque management style. Worse yet are murmurs suggesting Summers had
been less than truthful in meetings with individual Faculty members.
Larry Summers was not without flaws. Some would say he had an
inexplicable propensity for demonstrating his flaws all too often.
But in most of these instances, Summers can only be faulted
for being too much a public intellectual and too little a politically
aware university president—a fault of excess, perhaps, but not a fault
that should have cost Summers his job. Too often, he was viewed under a
microscope by a Faculty which appeared to look for, if not outright
hope for, Summers, and his vision for accelerated change, to fail.
Yesterday, when Summers stepped out of his Mass. Hall office to
personally address the public for the first time regarding his
resignation, he was greeted by a crowd of undergraduates. A reluctant
Summers—not knowing whether he was about to be lauded or
lambasted—gingerly approached one student and shook his hand, then a
second; soon dozens joined the fray of admiration. Students believe in
Summers’ vision.
Though Summers only resigned only yesterday, his loss, in some
sense, has been more gradual. His initiatives, by and large, have been
in a rut for the greater part of the last year. It has become
increasingly apparent over the last week that Summers’ departure was
inevitable. Whether it was a conspicuous lack of support from the
Harvard Corporation amidst the latest Faculty flurry or, more likely, a
worn president, his vigor faded, no longer willing to defend himself
against the barbs of an uncompromising segment of the Faculty, Summers
could no longer effectively make progress on his plans, and Harvard,
now rudderless, was doomed to absorb his loss.
In the end, Summers had a worthy vision but was unable to make
that vision a reality. The former treasury secretary will soon be a
president emeritus, and his seat at the center of the academic world
will expire in four short months. We hope that the Corporation will
appoint an able successor with the overflowing ambition that defined
Summers’ brief presidency and has opened Harvard to the prospect of
tremendous—and perhaps even unprecedented—progress.
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