Off Again, On Again

Hurricane Katrina may be wreaking havoc on more than just national politics. It has also placed a pause on the unfolding drama that is the Sino-American relationship by forcing a rescheduling of President Hu Jintao’s first U.S. visit as China’s head of state. Originally, Hu was scheduled to arrive in Washington, D.C., on Sept. 7 for a summit with President George W. Bush; he would also have visited Canada and Mexico before attending the sixtieth anniversary session of the United Nations in mid-September. Now, in the face of national emergency, a meeting between the two world leaders will be confined briefly to the UN sidelines: A lengthier visit has been postponed until, perhaps, sometime next year.

At first glance, this delay may not seem diplomatically optimal. A brief meeting at the UN will not resolve any of the bilateral issues that have sprung up between the two countries, and some matters, like the six-party North Korea talks that resumed on Sept. 13, are pressing. But upon closer examination, despite some inconvenience to the parties involved, a rescheduling may have been just the medicine this summit needed.

In the months preceding the intended September visit, a good deal of energy went to waste in squabbles about protocol. China wanted a formal state welcome in Washington, complete with 21-gun salutes and state dinners. Washington hesitated, granting the salute but not the dinner. This was understandably disappointing, as Hu wanted to show that America acknowledges China as an important power, which would have granted him more prestige among his party leadership. Procedural rigmarole, after all, is excellent political fodder. It also spoiled the mood.

The main purpose of a summit should not center on pomp and circumstance. Nor should it be satisfied with just a nice but token overture of friendliness. There is simply too much at stake for the focus of this landmark visit to be anywhere but on the issues at hand.

As China grows as a world power, analysts agree there is a real danger that differences between the two countries will cause a drift into “strategic rivalry.” One emerging aspect of that rivalry can be seen in China’s most recent chosen alliances—countries like Sudan, Iran and Cuba, all of which are unsympathetic to America. China has also approached U.S. counterweights like the European Union, with which it has just concluded a successful summit settling textile quotas. Although China has become an increasingly powerful player on the world—and especially the East Asian—stage, neither China nor the U.S. can afford a drift into distrust and hostility. A successful summit must address openly and candidly these fundamental truths about China’s growth and U.S. hesitation about that growth.

Moreover, there are the numerous immediate economic issues that have so elevated Sino-U.S. tensions this summer. First there was the uproar about textile quotas. Since Jan. 1 when global textile quotas were abolished, Chinese textiles have flooded American markets, resulting in job losses and industry complaints. The ensuing negotiations, which are still progressing unhurriedly and uncertainly, have been the cause of much friction between Beijing and Washington. Another touchy area is that of China’s currency. Many U.S. trade groups accuse China of keeping the yuan artificially cheap to bolster exports. The yuan was revalued in July from a direct 8.28 peg to the U.S. dollar to an approximately 8.11 managed float, but the 2.1 percent revaluation is still far below the 10 percent wanted by Washington. These issues have all strained Sino-U.S. relations in the past few months, and that’s not even to mention North Korea talks or the perpetual Taiwan question. A successful summit must zoom in and address these problems with all seriousness and delicacy; only then can the relationship between the two countries progress.

Clearly, neither the U.S. nor China can afford to throw away an opportunity to strengthen their relationship, least of all to petty formalities. And that’s why this delay may be for the best. It wouldn’t hurt the U.S. to acknowledge China with some higher-class state treatment; neither would it hurt China to stop caring about face so much. Whether the next summit is rescheduled as a state dinner at the White House or a tête-à-tête at the Crawford ranch, leaders on both sides must commit themselves to an honest conversation about their diplomatic futures. The future stability of the world depends on it.

N. Kathy Lin ‘08, a Crimson editorial editor, is a Social Studies concentrator in Winthrop House.