How’s the Turkey Cooking, Europe?

After more than 20 years of letters, “intention memos,” and endless conditionings, the European Union (EU) officially opened accession talks with Turkey less than one month ago. Despite the warm photogenic hugs between mandataries, there are still many underlying qualms regarding the possibility of Turkey becoming a full member, or even a privileged partner, of the EU. Political forces in Europe want Turkey to conform to their Western model, but the Turkish people continue to retain a strong attachment to their cultural identity. The resulting tension has illuminated an unfortunate reality: the time is not yet ripe for Turkey to join the EU.

The majority of citizens across Europe remain uncomfortable with the prospect of Turkey’s entrance into the EU. Officially, both France and Germany support Turkey’s bid, yet just over 20 percent of the population in each of those countries agree with their governments’ position. Indeed, influential leaders in each of these countries, including French Interior Minister Nicolas Sarkozy and German Chancellor Angela Merkel, are fervently against Turkey’s inclusion in the EU. Further east, an October poll showed that Greeks have become more skeptical about Turkish membership in the last year—almost 60 percent of Greek voters now oppose that possibility. To make things worse, Austria almost imploded negotiations before they began by stating that “full membership should not be the ultimate objective of the talks,” essentially eliminating any motive for Turkey to undergo such fundamental changes in the first place.

The British government, however, has agreed with Turkey in one critical respect: there is a limit to setting aside national pride, especially if the ultimate goal of full EU membership is removed After many years of imposed secularization by their own government, polls of the Turkish people show that they agree wth this premise. Turkey was westernized in the 1920’s by Kemal Attatürk (whose name literally means “Father of the Nation”). Many of his policies, like democratic reforms and well designed economic programs, were unequivocally positive. In fact, Turkey gave women voting rights before Spain or France, two current EU nations. Yet, amidst the decaying ruins of the once-mighty Ottoman Empire, he vanquished many other defining characteristics of the Turkish culture.

In a 99.8 percent Sunni Muslim nation, the fez (conical hat worn by Muslim men) and headscarves were banned from all public buildings and cultural life in general. Just a couple of years ago, Prime Minister Erdogan’s wife was banned from public events because she wore headscarves. In a “Modern Republic,” prosecution of the Armenian genocide perpetrators was abruptly discontinued. In a “democracy,” hawkish military coups intervened thrice in less than 50 years every time constituents voted against laiklik (Kemal’s policies of absolute secularism), each time proclaiming the creation of a “guided democracy.” It’s no wonder, then, that an increasing number of people in Turkey fear that admission policies from the EU will further erode their true identity.

The recognition of incompatibility today can save us from grave problems tomorrow. As the examples of recent EU additions Poland and Lithuania demonstrate, policies leading to EU admission can be economically beneficial by integrating less-developed economies into the greater EU community through the implementation of common standards (the Euro unit of currency, for example). Nevertheless, we should be careful with opening the scope of conformity too much and losing the perspective that only cultural identity can provide. The EU is about common grounds, and maybe there are certain fundamentally different things in today’s Turkey. Why should this fact be so hard to digest?

Homogenization is not an idyllic goal: multiculturalism is not about tolerating dissidence, but welcoming it, and there is a Bosporus Strait between those terms. European powers should stay true to their illuminated Constitutions and embrace other values. More time is needed before Turkey can secure membership in the EU, and not to allow further conformist demands to be placed upon the Turkish people. Rather, time is needed to overcome despicable vetoes like Austria’s and avoid the creation of further hatred. Time is needed to understand why Turks are not willing to give up their identities, no matter the price. Time is needed to develop better understanding of multiculturalism, from the new German Chancellor to influential Vatican leaders who by backing discrimination turn their backs on the very Holy Texts they revere. Time is needed to see that as of today, the Vienna Gates still face east. If we Europeans cannot deal with a representative Muslim Turkey within Europe, we don’t deserve them in our Union.



Pierpaolo Barbieri ’09 lives in Thayer Hall.