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Islam Is Not the Enemy

America Abroad

By Nader R. Hasan, NADER R. HASAN

Last spring, on the first day of Government 1800: "Globalization and its Discontents," I listened intently as The New York Times' Foreign Affairs columnist Thomas L. Friedman expounded upon the dangers of the "globalization of technology." He warned of the "super-empowered angry men," such as the terrorists who bombed the World Trade Center, who had capitalized on the proliferation of technology to orchestrate the devastating bombing. "Now, you don't just have AOL-America Online, but you also have JOL-Jihad Online!" The class erupted with laughter.

The Qur'an--Islam's holist book--talks about Jihad, which can be translated as "holy war." The term refers to the kinds of wars that took place between Muslims and Christians during the Crusades.

It is not surprising that a class full of mostly non-Muslims was familiar with the Qur'anic term. After all, Americans are taught about Islam in high school. They are taught that Muslims pray in a funny way and that the Muslim mission is Jihad. Of course, this leaves a lot of gaps--gaps that the American media eagerly fills in.

Last week, the American media filled in the gaps with stories about Chechen separatists hijacking a passenger airplane, militants carrying on a guerrilla war in Indonesia's Molucca islands, and the Taleban destroying ancient Buddhist statues--all in the name of Islam.

It should not be necessary to remind America that when the Taleban destroyed the statues in Bamiyan, Afghanistan, they invoked an interpretation of the Qur'an that is insulting to Muslims and contrary to the fundamental tenets of Islam, which preaches tolerance for other religions: Let there be no compulsion in religion (2:256), Whoever wills, let him believe; and whoever does not will, let him disbelieve (18:29).

It should not be necessary to remind America that these beliefs were not only written in the Qur'an, but Muslims also practiced them. The most powerful Muslim empires to have existed--the Arab dynasties, Mughal India and the Ottoman empire--all allowed minority religions to flourish. Non-Muslims living in the Arab dynasties even reserved the right to be tried under their own religious laws--a feature not duplicated in any other system.

It should not be necessary to remind America of these religious truths and historical facts because we are all supposed to know that there is a difference between "most Muslims" and "Islamic extremists." The problem is that you would never know the former existed by reading American newspapers.

In fairness to the responsible journalists, some writers try to make the distinction between "Islam" and "Islamic fundamentalism." But their efforts are futile because Americans understand so little about Islam and because the media coverage of Islam is characteristically negative. Stories abound about the ruthlessness of the Taleban, Osama bin Laden's terrorist network, and the oppression of women in Muslim nations. As long as the front pages of our newspapers run such stories, the mere association of terrorists with Islam--the mere usage of the terms Islamic fundamentalist or Islamic extremist--threatens to further exacerbate the cleavage between Muslims and the West.

But there is no intent to associate "Muslims" with "Muslim fundamentalists." After all, we use the term "fundamentalist" or "extremist" not just with Muslims, but also other religions: we often refer to religious cults as "Christian fundamentalists."

True,but how often is an eight-year-old Christian boy harassed at school because of something that "Christian fundamentalists" were accused of doing? I refer to the aftermath of the infamous Oklahoma City bombing of 1995. The American media, ever anxious to find a scapegoat in the Muslim world, declared that the bombing had the "hallmarks" of Islamic terrorism. This was the consensus of "experts." In the three days following the Oklahoma City bombing, there were 220 documented hate crimes against Muslims throughout the nation. Until it was shown that the bombing was concocted and carried out by homegrown white American boys, Muslims were harassed, taunted and beaten. So strong is the link between "terrorism" and "Muslim" in the American ethos.

I do not deny that the Taleban and other so-called "Islamic fundamentalists" are serious problems. But Islam is not to blame. It is the fault of both Muslim and non-Muslim governments around the world that such terrorism has been on the rise. The widespread corruption and incompetence in Muslim nations has provoked many young people to look for "alternative" solutions to their problems. Meanwhile, the West has played into the hands of zealots and opportunists by providing seemingly incontrovertible proof that America regards Islam as the enemy.

It is also the world's fault that so many young people in the Middle East, South Asia and Central Asia face such extraordinary hardships that joining militant groups is the only way out of a life of misery. Many of the terrorist networks' new recruits are downtrodden refugees, fleeing from places like Afghanistan, who find refuge in militant training schools, such as those in northwest Pakistan. These schools offer comfortable housing, clothing, three meals a day and an education (none of which the United Nations was able to provide in the refugee camps). Having been let down by everyone else, it is not hard to see why an increasing number of impoverished, uneducated Muslims have come to believe that radical groups are the only ones fighting for their interests.

Paradoxically enough, the best way to fight "Islamic fundamentalists" is to make peace with Islam. Once America is no longer seen as an enemy to Muslims, terrorist networks will be unable to persuade the masses. But America needs to take the first step. This might mean loosening sanctions on Iraq and/or taking a more neutral stance on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. And it definitely means educating the American people about Islam. Before America can vanquish Osama bin Laden, it must vanquish its own ignorance.

Nader R. Hasan '02 is a government concentrator in Lowell House. His column appears on alternate Wednesdays.

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