Iran's Changing Face

Last Friday's general elections in Iran marked a day that will hopefully go down in history as the beginning of a working democracy. With over two-thirds of ballots now counted, the results show that reformers will have a significant and likely dominant presence in Iran's 290-seat Parliament. President Mohammed Khatami, the reformer incumbent who unfortunately has held little sway over national policy since his election in 1997 thanks to conservative opposition in Parliament, will stand at the helm of efforts to finally institute greater freedoms throughout the country.

Iranians turned out en masse to pledge their support for change. A record 80 percent voted, with youth and women leading the pack--a good sign that women will have a larger role in political life in the future. Young people born after the 1979 revolution now compose over two-thirds of Iran's population and have been a powerful boon to the impetus for reform. Angered by high unemployment and harsh restrictions on individuals, the rising tide of Iran's future has swept the rest of the nation up in its furor. Last summer pro-reform students took to the streets in protest over conservative excesses, only to be forcefully turned back to class in a show of strength by the militia that ironically served to highlight the legitimate content of the student demands.

Since the revolution, the Iranian Constitution has endowed a member of the clerical elite with the title of supreme leader and control over foreign policy, the military, the judiciary and Islamic religious matters. The current supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei is known for his hardline positions against Western influences and freedoms. Khamenei has veto power over all of the Parliament's legislation.

President Khatami, in contrast, is a soft-spoken leader, a fan of philosophy who has written on Plato and Aristotle. He has long voiced his favor for greater freedom of expression and has implemented more extensive freedom of the press in Iran. Yet his actions on behalf of reform have fallen far short of his and his people's professed dreams. With a majority in Parliament, Khatami must now have the courage to translate his words into practice. Primary effort should be focused on creating an environment of law and order, depoliticizing the judiciary, and guaranteeing freedom of expression. Protecting basic liberties will prove to be important not only to his people's empowerment, but also to Khatami's own political survival. Under international scrutiny and mindful of the power of youth in their own revolution in 1979, the conservatives will exercise caution in abrogating Parliament's bills. Washington can further discourage hardliners by reaching out to the reformers and Khatami's new government. If the new government is allowed to pursue its reformist goals, Washington should consider easing sanctions on Iran.

However, before Khatami gets down to the crucial business of legal ideology, he must first address Iran's economic plight. The massive unemployment plaguing Iranians is only exacerbated by the existence of bonyads, foundations set up by the Shah and nationalized after the revolution. Supposedly instituted to redistribute wealth to the needy, the bonyads operate as little more than corporate monopolies. Above the law, they are neither subjected to audits, nor believed to pay taxes. By making the bonyads more answerable to government, Khatami can both help to reinvigorate the economy and assert the importance of democratic accountability.

On the brink of a new day in Iran, Khatami should take note that there is a certain carelessness to an excessively careful approach. Given the support of like-minded reformers in Parliament, he should seize the opportunity to enact reforms and usher Iran into an era of freedom and prosperity.