Raising Awareness

On the afternoon of March 9, hundreds of students congregated on Memorial Church steps to stage a good old-fashioned public demonstration. Committed members of activist groups and concerned individuals, they sought two main political objectives: a "living wage" for University employees and the end of Harvard's involvement in overseas sweatshops. A third group, the Coalition Against Sexual Violence, protested Harvard's policies on the punishment of sexual assault and rape. Chanting, "Hey Harvard, here's the word, student voices must be heard," the protestors held their ground for almost four hours. Before they finally disbanded, Harvard announced the adoption of a full disclosure policy regarding sweatshops.

Last year we spoke about the problem of apathy in the undergraduate population-the tendency of Harvard students to ignore current social issues; or worse, to speak of change but to do little about ensuring that any of their far-flung goals came to fruition.

But if we ever intimated that student activism was dead at Harvard, the events of the past 10 months are beginning to change our minds. Not only has student activism emerged on campus, it has been intelligent and effective, particularly in the cases of the two groups which are part of larger, nationwide protests efforts, Students Against Sweatshops (SAS) and the Living Wage Campaign (LWC).

The aforementioned "Rally for Justice" was a perfect example of the new breed of activism. Not only did it involve the successful collaboration of a number of student groups bringing attention to fundamental campus problems, but each group came with a set of clear, concrete demands. Perhaps most importantly, the students did not allow their efforts to peter out in the aftermath of the dramatic rally. They have remained doggedly persistent and have kept their issues in the public eye.

When the University declared at the rally that it would fulfill one of the SAS's major demands by adopting a full disclosure policy of all Harvard apparel factory locations, it constituted the culmination of months of hard work. Still, the activists were understandably far from satisfied with Harvard's mere verbal acceptance of the need for change and have kept the pressure on the administration.

To date, the University has announced its association with the Fair Labor Association (FLA), a monitoring group serving several universities, and has hinted at the possibility of hiring independently the accounting firm Price-Waterhouse-Coopers (PWC), also in a monitoring capacity. In recent weeks, SAS has registered its disapproval of both the FLA and PWC because of their ties to corporate interests. The activists continue to push for a more acceptable monitoring plan and the establishment of a formal student-faculty committee that will shape the University's anti-sweatshop policy. Their diligence has ensured that the issue will not be forgotten.

The members of the LWC, while achieving fewer concrete results than SAS, have nonetheless waged a successful consciousness-raising campaign on campus. Since the announcement by the city of Cambridge that $10 per hour is the "living wage" necessary to survive in the community, the labor group has made it their number one priority to have Harvard adopt the same standard for its own employees.

Recognizing that public pressure is the only way to force the University to change its policies, the LWC has executed an outspoken crusade. They began by passing out leaflets, erecting banners, organizing protests and garnering over 1,000 signatures on their student petition. Recently, they helped construct a multi-paneled 10-foot display at the Science Center detailing dissatisfied employees' thoughts about working for Harvard.

Admittedly, the official Harvard response to the LWC has been limited. So far, the only concession made by the University has been the establishment of a seven-member Faculty task force whose purpose is to "investigate the situation." While LWC members applaud the task force's apparent lack of bias and welcome the promise of an open dialogue with the University, they have no plans to let up on their crusade for public support.

"We know that if we fade away and discontinue our public demonstrations...the political will to make a decision [won't be there]," noted Aaron D. Bartley, a first-year law student involved in the campaign. If the past few months have been any indication, we expect to hear a great deal more from the LWC in the fall.

The recent wave of student activism on campus can trace its success to a number of factors. First, both SAS and the LWC are part of a larger movement that has blossomed on campuses throughout the country. Second, both groups have approached their causes with a degree of sophistication that has been lacking in recent failed activist efforts. The group members know their issues well, they have approached the University with concrete, reasonable demands, and they have combined agitation with a willingness to negotiate.

Perhaps most heartening about the work of SAS and the LWC has been their ability to bring home questions of economic justice to the hearts and minds of students. By demonstrating how depressed wages hurt the Harvard employees with whom we interact daily, they have managed to combat apathy and build a broad base of support. By connecting larger social issues to life on this campus, this year's activists have provided a model for others to follow.

The events of the past year give us hope that today's students are not unconcerned with injustice in the world. Perhaps, their energies were just waiting to be harnessed by a worthwhile and well-organized cause. We applaud those groups who made this a year of optimism to remember.