Scandalous Wishes

For about six years now, they've longed for one thing: to find that silver bullet of a scandal that could bring down Bill Clinton's presidency. Always tenacious, they tried everything, from pot-smoking to draft-dodging, shady land deals to murder. But nothing seemed to stick...until now.

The Monica Lewinsky scandal seems to have all of the ingredients needed to undermine the President. Unlike Whitewater, these allegations are simple to understand. And unlike campaign finance improprieties, this case is so sordid that, for a time, CNN was the dirtiest channel on cable. Most importantly, though, unlike the previous charges regarding Clinton's libido, this one can be respectably pursued under the protective blanket of the pursuit of justice. In short, Lewinsky should be a dream-come-true for Republicans.

But as if a cruel joke, the Republicans' dream is quickly becoming a nightmare. When the scandal broke and rapidly attracted O.J.-like levels of media attention, Newt, Trent and the other GOP power players smugly believed they could just sit back and let the President destroy himself. There didn't seem to be much sense in sullying oneself in the mud of dirty allegations when the job was already being done by a pack of loose-lipped lawyers and reporters who smelled blood.

Unfortunately for the gleeful Republicans, it hasn't worked out that way. Clinton is not destroying himself. Polls reveal that his approval ratings are at an all-time high--despite the fact that most Americans don't believe his denial of a "sexual relationship" with Lewinsky. What are Republicans to do? If they don't act fast, they risk losing their best chance yet to finish Clinton off and, even worse, they may be allowing his party to prosper in the wake of the scandal.

The Republicans are left with two options: give up on restraint and go on the offensive, or continue on their current path and hope Kenneth Starr and the media do the dirty work for them. Like a Catch-22, however, Republicans may be damned regardless which option they pursue.

If they go on the attack, the anti-Clintonites must be aware of some significant hazards they might face. First, a fierce partisan attack would play into the Clinton's portrayal of a "vast right-wing conspiracy" out to undermine them. Second, if the charges are never proven, the Republican attack dogs might find themselves wallowing at the credibility levels of the Vince-Foster-was-murdered crowd. Third, if perceived to be neglecting their governmental responsibilities, the Republicans might be charged by the American public with chasing gossip at the expense of more important issues. Finally, even if the Republicans ultimately succeed in getting some of the charges to stick, they have got to be wary of the thought of a refreshingly-square President Gore running for re-election in 2000, with a few years of White House experience under his belt.

If the current strategy of See Evil, Hear Evil, Speak No Evil prevails, Republicans must be prepared for the possibility that Clinton's approval ratings will continue to hit Reagan-like plateaus. Further, by remaining silent, Republicans risk sacrificing their claim to leadership of the Moral Majority/family values wing of the party. The squandering of this opportunity could set-off a Bible-thumping revolt in the big tent of the GOP.

Without a Republican resolution, Clinton may be in the driver's seat come Election Day 1998. If the Democrats succeed in holding off big Republican gains in Congress and maybe even in reducing their majorities, the Republicans will have missed their chance to score real political gains off of this scandal. The President, shored up by the voters' demonstration of continued faith in him, will be able to pursue his swan-song agenda in the Brave New World of post-deficit government with added confidence.

If this comes to pass, it won't be the first time the Republicans have been burned by their own desires. In 1994, they wrested control of both houses of Congress after 40 years in the minority. Although this seemed to foretell the President's doom at the time, in hindsight, many feel that the Republican majorities in Congress actually helped Clinton. He was able to distinguish himself as the sensible, centrist alternative to both the liberal Democrats and conservative Republicans in Congress and cruise to re-election. Similarly, when the story of this scandal is ultimately written, Monica and Ken--like Newt and his Revolutionaries before them--may come to be remembered as the unwitting supporting cast in the Comeback Kid's final act.

Rustin C. Silverstein '99 is a government concentrator in Lowell House. His column will appear on alternate Fridays.