State Representative Alvin Thompson Draws Friends, Fire

Depending on who you listen to, State Rep. Alvin E. Thompson (D-Cambridge) has been either a long-time advocate of tenant and worker rights or an ineffectual politician relying on the force of his personal popularity to stay in office.

Many say Thompson has worked for more than 15 years to improve the quality of state services and state funding, but critics contend that he has been largely ineffectual in the State House, doing little to improve his constituents' lives.

Cambridge political personalities seem to adopt one or the other view of Thompson, the state representative from the 28th Middlesex District, which includes the Cambridge neighborhoods of Riverside, Cambridgeport, Area Four and parts of mid-Cambridge and Harvard University.

Thompson, a lifelong resident of Cambridge and the city's only Black representative to Beacon Hill, is by all accounts a quiet and unassuming person. "He's a thoroughly likable individual," says Glenn S. Koocher '71, host of "InsideOut," a weekly Cambridge political talk show. "He has never climbed the political ladder over the backs of anyone else."

'Good Strides'

Thompson's political rise appears to be the success story of the typical American grassroots politician. Born in Riverside, Thompson represents a city with two of America's largest universities although he did not graduate from college.

"I've tried all my life" to be a role model, Thompson says. "We've done a lot of good strides but we have more to go, in all areas."

Thompson says he has worked hard to ensure his accessibility. "I'm always available and accessible," he says.

The representative maintains close ties to his constituents, ranging from participation in political forums to attendance at funerals. Early this year, he was named chair of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People's Cambridge chapter, an office he held before, in the 1970's.

Although optimistic about the city's future, Thompson says Cambridge has changed remarkably since the begining of his political career, when it was better defined by communities of solid blue-collar row houses than by the coffee parlors proliferating in Central Square.

"If you go to Harvard Square, many of those stores weren't there; Mass. Ave. was a two-way street," Thompson recalls.

Critics and fans say Thompson is unusual for the number of positions he maintains. Along with his seats in the State House of Representatives and on the Cambridge NAACP, Thompson works as a residency checker for the city's School Department and as part-time security guard for the University, working in the Quad.

While some have faulted Thompson for having too many commitments outside his elected office, the representative says he has not worked in the School Department and Harvard positions since a foot injury in February at the NAACP national convention.

After unsuccessfully running for a seat on the City Council, Thompson won his first political office in 1980, beating the activist candidate Saundra Graham for the Democratic nomination for state representative.

The incumbent, Graham, whose antics included walking onto the graduating platform at Harvard's 1970 commencement, was perceived as a shoo-in for reelection, although critics perceived her as a militant radical. Graham was the only Black state representative from Cambridge.

Koocher says Thompson won by a very slim margin in the 1980 vote, which had a voter turnout of only eight percent. "Alvin's defeat of Saundra was a totally unexpected victory, a major upset," Koocher says. "Alvin understands the principle to get along, go along and pay your dues. Alvin certainly paid his dues."

And Thompson has managed to hold on to his office, winning re-election every two years since 1980.

"Alvin's style is not to be threatening of intimidating but conciliatory," Koocher says. "White, blue-collar Cambridge voters have always been comfortable with Alvin, as opposed to your traditional blue-collar voters who weren't comfortable with Saundra Graham. Alvin's political roots are more traditional."

Critics: Not Aggressive'

But Thompson's critics say those traditional roots have prevented the representative from assuming a more activist role in defending Cantabrigians' interests.

"He's not aggressive, he's not an advocate on any major issue," says Lester P. Lee Jr., who managed Thompson's campaign in 1988 but has since been estranged from the representative.

Lee accuses Thompson of not identifying with issues central to the lives of his constituents.

"He's not really identified with any issues in the State House--rent control, welfare reform, prison reform--things that you would think, given his constituents, he would be interested [in]," he says.

Even Thompson's supporters say Thompson is not perceived as someone who rocks the political boat on Beacon Hill.

"Politically he's perceived as one of the soldiers of the leadership," Koocher acknowledges, adding that Thompson has been loyal to the city's most powerful representatives, including House Speaker Charles F. Flaherty (D-Cambridge), Sen. Thomas F. Birmingham '72 (D-Chelsea) and Senate President William M. Bulger (D-South Boston).

"Many people would like to see him more active, particularly in these times where the liberal agenda is under attack from conservatives in this society," adds Lee, a leading prorent control advocate in the period last fall before rent control's abolition. "Alvin hasn't been there to do that."

Critics have focused particularly on Thompson's handling of the issues of the end rent control and closing of a Stop and Shop.

Thompson and State Rep. Timothy J. Toomey Jr. (D-Cambridge) shepherded the city's home-rule petition to salvage some forms of rent control for low-income tenants following the passage of a state referendum last fall to abolish it.

"He and Tim Toomey were able to get the Cambridge home-rule petition adopted in the state legislature basically [because of] their own credibility, their own popularity," Koocher says.

But critics say Thompson should have pushed for more protections than those granted by the watered-down version of the bill that eventually passed.

"He lobbied for it, but that was such a weak home-rule petition, one that was dictated by Flaherty, who was influenced by the landlords," says Lee.

"I thought he could have been stronger," Lee adds. "I don't think he really believed in the usefulness of rent control. He was not very prominent in the struggle."

Thompson, however, says his hands were tied by the threat of Gov. William F. Weld '66 to veto anything more than a scant handful of protections.

"What was there for me to fight for?" Thompson asks. "We tried to work out a compromise but the word coming from the governor was that he was going to veto the bill altogether. What were we to do?"

"It was the best compromise we could have gotten at that time," says Thompson, adding that city government and rent control are to blame for not enacting reforms to the bloated rent-control bureaucracy sooner.

Mayor Kenneth E. Reeves '72 also defends Thompson's handling of the rent control political battles, saying the stance he adopted was realistic.

"I would absolutely say he was a leader," Reeves says. "He tried to breathe some reality therapy on things, to let people know what was and was not possible."

Thompson, however, might also be the target of political flak resulting from the decision of the supermarket chain Stop and Shop to abandon its site on Memorial Drive.

Once the only supermarket serving Cambridgeport and Riverside, Stop and Shop's plans to expand its site and build a superstore were derailed last summer when the City Council refused to grant it a zoning permit. Many residents are currently without a market within walking distance.

Thompson did not push for the granting permit, and critics say he sided with Flaherty's view that increased traffic on Memorial Drive made expansion undesirable.

"There could be some fallout from the Stop and Shop situation, from people angry in general," Koocher says.

Lee agrees. "The supermarket is gone, and Alvin didn't do anything to keep it," Lee says. "Alvin certainly did not do enough to keep Stop and Shop in Cambridge."

Koocher, however, says Thompson has had to toe Flaherty's line because of political realities. "Even if the most strident of political liberals were elected, you know damn well they'd be sucking up to Charles Flaherty, because he's the speaker," Koocher says. "You don't want the district to suffer because you're not supporting the leadership."

Political Future

Observers differ not only on Thompson's political past, but on his political future.

Supporters point to his enduring popular- ity. Thompson did not even face a challenger inthe 1994 Democratic primary for his currentoffice, and won the election in a landslide.

Reeves, who sees Thompson as a valuablepolitical supporter, says the representative'spopularity is hardearned and deep-running. "He'sbeen, for me, an extraordinary ally," the mayorsays. "In politics in Cambridge, you work withwhat the people send, and he has been the people'schoice."

But Koocher, the political analyst, says "Alvincould be vulnerable to an attack from the whiteliberal left."

"The white liberal left has always wanted tospeak for the minority community [rather than]having the minority community speak for itself,"he says.

Koocher notes that Thompson's political supporthas depended on the high concentration of minorityresidents in the neighborhoods he represents.

"He has a good strong base of support in theBlack community," he says. "The question is, doesthe district extend far enough outside the Blackcommunity so that the anti-Alvin whites [couldnot] take it?"

Still, Koocher concedes that Thompson "might beperceived to be very close to the cityadministration" because of his School Departmentjob.

Lee believes Thompson will be vulnerable nextNovember, the first election since rent control'sabolition.

"As long as he does his constituent-servicework, he's o.k." Lee says. "But wait until somemajor issues come up, then he'll be in trouble."

Koocher disagrees, saying he does not believeThompson is vulnerable on the rent-control issue.

"He did the right thing by his constituents,"Koocher says. "He was among the ones who tried tofind some element of reasonableness in the midstof a strident political crusade" by both landlordsand tenants.

"Anyone that wanted to beat Alvin would have tonit-pick [his record] and basically say, 'Vote forme, I'll be better [than Thompson] in thefuture,'" Koocher says.

Diversity and the Black Community

Thompson, however, says his focus is onprotecting tenants, providing a new supermarketand increasing the diversity of the city workforce, not on re-election.

The representative has been an outspoken criticof the city's efforts to enforce an affirmativeaction program and hire more minority managers.

Thompson faults personnel director MichaelGardner, who works in the city manager's office,for not trying hard enough to hire minorities.

"The [statement] they always give is, 'We can'tfind the candidates,'" Thompson says. "Everyoneelse can find the candidates, but Cambridgecan't?"

Thompson says he is also concerned about thefuture of the city's Black community, saying thenew immigrant communities--Haitians, Indians andBrazilians especially--are "moving way ahead ofthe Black community."

"We should be going on the same track also,"Thompson says, adding that some Blacks are "alittle bit lazy." Along with the older Blackpopulation, many members of the city's Blackpopulation are recent immigrants and face problemsranging from access to education and job trainingto language barriers.

As for future elections, Thompson refuses tomake any predictions, saying his strategy is to"stay in the community and work for yourcommunity."

"Nobody's ever [completely] satisfied withanybody," Thompson says. "People can vote you outwhen they want to.

Reeves, who sees Thompson as a valuablepolitical supporter, says the representative'spopularity is hardearned and deep-running. "He'sbeen, for me, an extraordinary ally," the mayorsays. "In politics in Cambridge, you work withwhat the people send, and he has been the people'schoice."

But Koocher, the political analyst, says "Alvincould be vulnerable to an attack from the whiteliberal left."

"The white liberal left has always wanted tospeak for the minority community [rather than]having the minority community speak for itself,"he says.

Koocher notes that Thompson's political supporthas depended on the high concentration of minorityresidents in the neighborhoods he represents.

"He has a good strong base of support in theBlack community," he says. "The question is, doesthe district extend far enough outside the Blackcommunity so that the anti-Alvin whites [couldnot] take it?"

Still, Koocher concedes that Thompson "might beperceived to be very close to the cityadministration" because of his School Departmentjob.

Lee believes Thompson will be vulnerable nextNovember, the first election since rent control'sabolition.

"As long as he does his constituent-servicework, he's o.k." Lee says. "But wait until somemajor issues come up, then he'll be in trouble."

Koocher disagrees, saying he does not believeThompson is vulnerable on the rent-control issue.

"He did the right thing by his constituents,"Koocher says. "He was among the ones who tried tofind some element of reasonableness in the midstof a strident political crusade" by both landlordsand tenants.

"Anyone that wanted to beat Alvin would have tonit-pick [his record] and basically say, 'Vote forme, I'll be better [than Thompson] in thefuture,'" Koocher says.

Diversity and the Black Community

Thompson, however, says his focus is onprotecting tenants, providing a new supermarketand increasing the diversity of the city workforce, not on re-election.

The representative has been an outspoken criticof the city's efforts to enforce an affirmativeaction program and hire more minority managers.

Thompson faults personnel director MichaelGardner, who works in the city manager's office,for not trying hard enough to hire minorities.

"The [statement] they always give is, 'We can'tfind the candidates,'" Thompson says. "Everyoneelse can find the candidates, but Cambridgecan't?"

Thompson says he is also concerned about thefuture of the city's Black community, saying thenew immigrant communities--Haitians, Indians andBrazilians especially--are "moving way ahead ofthe Black community."

"We should be going on the same track also,"Thompson says, adding that some Blacks are "alittle bit lazy." Along with the older Blackpopulation, many members of the city's Blackpopulation are recent immigrants and face problemsranging from access to education and job trainingto language barriers.

As for future elections, Thompson refuses tomake any predictions, saying his strategy is to"stay in the community and work for yourcommunity."

"Nobody's ever [completely] satisfied withanybody," Thompson says. "People can vote you outwhen they want to.