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When William F. Weld '66 took over the governor's office in 1990, most saw it as sort of a Massachusetts political fluke. The Dukakis administration had spiraled out of control, and the Democratic nominee, Boston University President John Silber, lacked credibility even in his own party.
So why does the incumbent seem so relaxed, now that he faces an onslaught of three Democrats who seek to unseat him come November?
Maybe because not even the front-runner, state Rep. Mark Roosevelt '78 (D-Beacon Hill), can boast much more than a quarter of the Democratic vote in the latest polls.
Or perhaps because Roosevelt and his primary opponents--former state Sen. George Bachrach (D-Watertown) and state Sen. Michael J. Barrett '70 (D-Cambridge)--are still hammering away at each other and barely have time to talk about Weld.
But most probably, Weld can relax because that most elusive of candidates, Undecided, seems poised to carry the Democratic primary with as much as 55 percent of the vote, according to the results of a Barrett campaign poll recently published in the Boston Globe.
The leaves Weld in the advantageous position, no matter which Democrat comes home with the nomination. Democratic campaign advisors still call the race "wide open."
Roosevelt became the anointed candidate last June when the state convention nominated him, but only with 54 percent of the delegates on the second ballot.
So far, state Democrats haven't exactly rallied behind their man, giving him only 29 percent in a recent poll, according to The Globe.
Roosevelt is a moderate Democrat by most standards, agreeing with Weld in supporting of the death penalty and in calling for an overhaul of the welfare system.
He has faced sharp criticism from Bachrach, who accuses both Roosevelt and Barrett of selling out their liberal roots for political gain, labeling himself the only true progressive in the race.
Bachrach alone opposes the death penalty and legislation to sentence criminals with three violent felony convictions to life in prison without parole.
The poll showed Bachrach in second place with 12 percent, followed by Barrett with four percent. But analysts say the nomination is within even Barrett's reach, thanks to the enormous undecided contingent.
Barrett disputes the suggestions of Bachrach and others that he and Roosevelt were twins separated at birth.
"Mark [Roosevelt] is an insider. He's cozy to special interests. His whole campaign has been based on placating people, not on taking risks," says Barrett campaign spokesperson David M. Osborne. "Mike [Barrett] has taken risks time and time again, like supporting NAFTA even though it provoked a strong union response."
Osborne also cites Barrett's support for "innovation in government," such as competition between the private and public sector to provide the best public services. He accuses Roosevelt of waffling on tough issues such as the death penalty and welfare reform.
Roosevelt's campaign managers, however, have been reluctant to draw sharp distinctions between him and his primary opponents, preferring instead to focus on November.
"Mark is focused on Governor Weld," said Roosevelt spokesperson Dwight D. Robson. "He really has no interest in bickering with his fellow Democrats.
"But if you had to point to something that distinguishes him," Robson adds, "[it is] clearly his record of achievement.
All three candidates are expressing confidence. Barrett aides tout the strength of a $370,000 television campaign launched last week.
This latest advertising campaign labels Barrett a "Tsongas Democrat."
That title was bestowed without consultation with 1992 presidential candidate Paul E. Tsongas, the former U.S. senator who labored for nine months in relative obscurity two years ago to win a couple of presidential primaries then drop out of the race altogether.
All the while, Weld--with $2.2 million in campaign funds as well as nearly half a million already spent on television ads--rests on his record, a record which most Democrats say is vulnerable to attack.
"This guy's performance isn't so wonderful that he can't be taken out," Michael Goldman, a Democratic consultant, told the New York Times last week. "Luckily for him, instead of running against [U.S. Rep. Joseph P. Kennedy II (D-Cambridge)] or any other serious Democrat, he ended up with the B-team. They've got no dough and no name recognition. And the reality is that you can't beat somebody with nobody."
Kennedy decided he would rather stay in Washington, even though insiders say he would very likely give Weld a race.
Instead, polls show Weld winning by a two-to-one margin over any of his potential opponents.
And Weld has been unafraid to tease all three opponents, referring to them once as the "three amigos" and running television commercials painting all three as typical tax-and-spend Democrats.
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