Hispanics Flex Their Muscles

"THE HISPANICS GIANT is awakening" shouts Congressman Robert Garcia (D.N.Y.), either as a threat to obstinate colleagues in the House or as a rousing call to arms to Hispanic constituents in the South Bronx. The statement carries more truth than the metaphoric hyperbole suggests. And never has that been so vividly demonstrated as in this year's debate of a sweeping immigration reform bill.

Hispanic congressmen led opposition to the Simpson-Mazzoli bill and nearly managed to defeat the four-year-old legislation. The measure passed by only a tenuous five-vote margin--one which could have been closed or broadened by the eight representatives who did not vote. In the Senate, which includes not a single Hispanic, the bill passed by a wider margin.

On the whole, however, the Hispanic lobby has for the first time spearheaded opposition to major legislation, managing to include some of its immigration priorities.

Still, last week's vote cannot be viewed as a clear victory for Hispanics. It's a step backwards for civil rights. One provision, which makes the employer verify (probably through some form of national I.D. card, eventually) a prospective employee's American citizenship, amounts to legalized discrimination against "immigrant-looking" (read: brown) people. Chicanos and Puerto Ricans, who already face an unemployment rate that is double the national average, will be the last to be considered by employers--who will have the excuse that they are "just following the law."

Several positive points, which Hispanic legislators advocated, include a major amnesty plan which gives legal residence status to illegal immigrants who arrived here before 1982. In addition, a national commission will be appointed to study the impact of factors such as Third World poverty and the agriculture industry's dependence on undocumented workers on the immigration dilemma. This was originally part of an alternative bill sponsored by Edward R. Roybal (D-Calif.), designed to examine possible long-term and international solutions.

BUT THE OVERRIDING value for Hispanics lies less in the substance of the bill than in the experience, for the first time, of being at the forefront of major legislation. Although the Congressional-Hispanic Caucus 11 members are hardly commensurate with the 6.4 percent of the population that is Hispanic, the group has begun to make itself felt as a force to be reckoned with at the national level.

Minority leaders have also begun to form coalitions to exert pressure. Despite some Black leaders contention that undocumented workers take jobs from poor Blacks, every Black congressman stood with the Hispanic lobby. (Last week, members of the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) welcomed Rev. Jesse L. Jackson at their annual convention in El Paso, Tex.)

Such observable politicization is not a sudden development. But for many years, political aspirations have been stymied by such obstacles as racist gerrymandering in the Southwest and the lack of bilingual ballots in other parts of the country.

In addition. Hispanics have begun to address some long-standing internal impediments to their lobbying effectiveness. Common economic and political interests have begun to unity Chicanos (Mexican-Americans) and Puerto Ricans, despite their cultural differences Leadership is fomenting a new activism, at all levels of government. Never have so many Hispanic elected officials become household names.

REPRESENTATION will surely grow this November, as voter registration drives aimed at Hispanics take effect. But the numbers will mean little if leaders do not make themselves heard at this summer's conventions. In addition to token mention in keynote addresses, issues of particular interest to Hispanics--like immigration, education, social programs, and civil rights must receive attention by the Democratic nominee and in the platforms of both parties.

Garcia, Roybal, and others must also monitor carefully the Simpson-Mazzoli bill. If they can demonstrate its harmful effects and lack of solvency, they may be able to muster the votes to alter the legislation. The last significant changes in immigration policy were made 19 years ago, when there was no Hispanic voice in the process.

The close vote this time shows that Hispanics have learned to play the game of American politics--and they can no longer be ignored.