Asterisks, Stragglers and the Overlooked

For the record, Rep. Phillip Crane (R-Ill.) stands slightly to the right of fellow Republican presidential candidate Ronald Reagan. The only difference between the two--on the issues, at least--is Crane's opposition to federal aid for the poor and elderly to offset rising energy costs.

Like Reagan, Crane favors the Kemp-Roth tax bill, development of the MX missile, the B-1 bomber, the neutron bomb, nuclear energy, the decontrol of oil, the prohibition of abortion and the easing of environmental regulations to allow the burning of coal.

Crane, again like Reagan, opposes the windfall profits tax, wage and price controls, aid to the Chrysler corporation, SALT II, gun control, busing, the Department of Education, the Equal Rights Amendment, and comprehensive national health insurance.

Unlike Reagan, Crane bills himself as the next presidential history teacher. And unlike Reagan, Crane doesn't stand a chance. The hard-rock Republican from Illinois is the paragon of the sleek modern conservative--more crudely, of the classical liberal. And some people know he's running for president.

Crane initiated an "early bird" campaign--declaring his candidacy way back in the summer of 1978-- in the hopes of achieving the recognition necessary to make a significant run. In Iowa, his version of militarism and frugality siphoned off about 7 percent of the caucus vote. He will have to show far better in the New Hampshire primary to gain that revered political intangible--momentum. His workers admit that the biggest surprise in the Crane camp has been the ascendance of George Bush, former director of the CIA. "Bush is the new superstar on the block," says Gregory F. Cronin, Crane's Massachusetts campaign coordinator. "He has taken a bit out of the shine of our recent impact."

But in a campaign that promises to exhaust and saturate, Crane has already been slogging campaign that has, thus far, stressed style over content, Phil Crane owns a handsome visage, an endless store of historical quotes and a natty wardrobe. Phil Crane is a political operator who harkens back to other days. Quoting Lincoln and Jefferson ad infinitum, he always has the right smile or the right historical quotation; after months of practice, Phil Crane is smooth.

Like the rest of the crammed Republican field, Crane's prospects depend largely on New Hampshire, where he hopes to break the 10 percent barrier. "We feel Crane is on the way up. He has considerable strength in Florida, potential in Alabama and is looking forward to his home state's primary on March 18," Cronin says. Given his ideological affinity to Reagan--Crane labels himself the "inheritor of the conservative vote"--some observes have speculated Crane might throw his support behind Reagan.

Crane's supporters rest their hopes on the small possibility that the pace of the campaign will eventually coax Reagan into withdrawing. Eugene Shannon, Crane's New Hampshire coordinator, said recently that the ex-California Governor "would be doing the conservative movement in this country" a favor by withdrawing from the race. Cronin is adamant about distinguishing his man from Reagan. "Frankly, I don't think he (Reagan) can keep up the campaign pace. The more conservatives out there the merrier--but Reagan is disastrous extemporaneously," he adds.

Crane's background as an American history professor has lent a modicum of intellectual legitimacy to his quest for the presidency. His stance on specific issues, however, has caused some of his congressional constituents to wonder if Crane has even the slightest understanding of social concerns. In Phil Crane's world, health and social programs fall by the wayside and missiles and strike-forces take their place.

If Crane fancies himself a teacher, however, his concern for the student vote is on shaky ground. When a student requested an interview this week, an aide at Crane's Boston campaign headquarters snapped back. "You can understand, can't you, why Mr. Crane does not want to spend too much of his time talking to college students? College students are not reliable voters, and most of those who are voting are not really receptive to his ideas."

Barring a major drift in the political tides, Crane's reception in New Hampshire tomorrow should be equally encouraging.