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FORMER Congressman Allard K. Lowenstein was defeated in his Long Island House race last November, but he is not an idle man. For the second time in four years, he is working to unseat an incumbent President.
During the next year Lowenstein will be speaking and organizing around the country in an attempt to form a massive movement against President Nixon and Administration policy. These efforts are geared to help reform forces in the 1972 primaries, conventions and national election.
"What we're trying to do is make clear that the long winter is coming to an end, that we will reclaim the whole political process as a vehicle for social change," Lowenstein says. "We have to fill the technical vacuum of how to mobilize people against the war. This will ideally build pressure in Congress for McGovern-Hatfield, for a date-certain, and prevent wilder tactics."
Lowenstein gives two reasons why the challenge this time will be easier than in 1968. First, it has been done before and people believe it can be done again. Second, there will be 23 million new young voters on the rolls next year. "I think we're going to come out of this with a major registration drive in various segments of the country," Lowenstein said. "We can't let the Administration diffuse the struggle with an Agnew-Abbie Hoffman question of tactics. We're going to see that the way the choices are formulated is the honest way. Unless there is some effective vehicle for change we'll have destruction. My total utility is to be a hypodermic where I go in to give a speech where there is discouragement."
For Lowenstein and the majority of the "Dump-Nixon" people, the primary issue is still the war in Southeast Asia. "He's making Johnson look retroactively very credible, which is an extraordinary achievement when you think about it," Lowenstein says of Nixon. Lowenstein's view of peace through discussion are dim, considering the American position: "I supported negotiations when they started in 1968," he says. "But the pre-condition in 1968 was that Theiu and Ky had to stay in power. The negotiations seem to depend on the military defeat of the people we're negotiating with."
Instead, Lowenstein proposes his own peace plan, one which he thinks both sides could accept in essence, "that we offer to withdraw all of our land, sea and air forces provided that they give us back the prisoners and withdraw their forces from Cambodia." As for the fate of the current Saigon regime if his recommendation is followed, Lowenstein says, "You can't make a government that is hated by the people stand up when you leave."
Lowenstein refuses to express a preference for any one of the several Democratic Senators currently mentioned as possible contenders for the 1972 Democratic crown, saying it's too early and that issues are more important than men at this point. He will say however, that Edward M. Kennedy and Hubert H. Humphrey will not be nominated. Citing Chappaquiddick as the main reason, Lowenstein said, "Edward Kennedy simply won't get it." Regarding Humphrey, Lowenstein emphasized his respect and fondness for the Minnesota Senator but concluded, "To lose to Richard Nixon is an amazing achievement and nobody wants to see if it can be done twice."
It is the loss of Robert F. Kennedy that haunts Lowenstein and the peace movement to a dangerous degree: "We are all thinking still of the terrible fact that the greatest leader we had was killed. That death gets worse all the time. We subconsciously measure everybody against Kennedy. But we're never going to have anyone as uniquely and ideally qualified as Robert Kennedy. We're not going to get anyone of that quality or capacity again so we've got to move on. Yet you sense his absence more poignantly with each passing event."
Lowenstein would enthusiastically welcome a challenger to Nixon in next year's Republican primaries and disagrees with those who say that Rep. Pete McCloskey (R-Calif.) lacks the national recognition required. "McCloskey can do it. You hear of people when they take on the President. If the campaign is conducted on an intelligent level smallness will not be an issue." Lowenstein also said that Nixon cannot save himself by dumping Agnew and running with a liberal Vice-President: "It would just make it clear that he is utterly uninterested in the kind of problems that the people are interested in. Besides, the President runs the country, not the Vice-President."
LOWENSTEIN was infuriated by the disruption of the planned teaching of pro-Administration speakers at Sanders Theatre on March 26. Terming the demonstration a "damaging blow to the peace movement" and an example of "lunatic hooliganism," Lowenstein demanded, "What the hell are they afraid of letting these people say. If they're so big on violence why don't they enlist in the Vietcong and kill somebody."
As for personal plans, Lowenstein is very undecided. He doesn't rule out trying for election again from his Long Island district, since the Democratic legislature will have to reapportion it according to census figures. Yet he sees a clear advantage in being able to move around the country and not being tied down to one constituency. Asked whether he agreed with Congressman Donald Riegle (R-Mich.) who has stated that this may be the last chance for the peace movement, Lowenstein mused, "I think we're at a turning point and if we don't take the right turn we'll be in very big trouble."
( Lowenstein was at Harvard for ten days recently as a guest of the Kennedy Institute of Politics. He hopes to return to Cambridge later in the spring to fulfill various commitments. )
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