McGovern--From the Back of a Chevy

He is a strange mixture of Americana. Speaking in a slow, relaxed voice which retains a Dakota twang, George McGovern reflects a traditional homespun, hearthside American culture. At the same time, he is a hard realist about big business and military involvement abroad.

Always a humanist, McGovern proclaims. "This land of ours, this people of ours must see that we have been taught to view ourselves as competitors, and we have come to see our fellow humans in that spirit....We have lost compassion." But never forgetting the reality of politics, he translates this humanism into broad and practical programs of tax reform.

He doesn't look like a politician. Tall, lanky, slightly balding, with deeply lined features, McGovern hardly exudes glamour. Unaggressive and mild, he lacks the driving athletic power of a Lindsay, the magnetic, sophisticated political savoir-faire of a Kennedy and the intellectual passion of a McCarthy.

Yet McGovern is full of commitment and sincerity. His voting record is staunchly and consistently liberal; and his vigorous and early announced campaign reflects a deep concern about issues rather than polls.

As his car races along to a late night radio broadcast, McGovern--sprawled in a corner of the backseat--tells us about what he has to offer the voters of New Hampshire over Edmund Muskie: "I don't wait for consensus on an issue before I take a stand...I haven't waited for neglect to take such a heavy toll in Indochina. It was only after the polls showed that 75 per cent of the nation wanted to end the war, that Muskie came out against it...You can't wait for a popular consensus on an issue to make up your mind on it."

Yet it is ironic that McGovern, who is so disdainful of pollwatching candidates, is faced with a highly unfavorable showing on national polls which give him about 6 per cent of national support. Perhaps it is this poor showing which leads him to concentrate so heavily on the youth vote--which will add some 25 million voices to the electorate. His is no optimistic "happy Hubey" attitude in predicting the outcome of the youth vote: "I am disappointed. I thought there would be a great rush to register. There hasn't been. I am still hopeful though that as the campaign continues, more will register. If they don't, they will lose my sympathy in their protests. The youth have the power to select the next president and show how deeply they care."

The McGovern campaign organization--especially in the Boston area--has made vigorous efforts to organize the youth vote. Last Saturday, he held a press conference for Massachusetts schools ranging from community Colleges, to state universities, to Ivy League institutions. And last week a vigorous Harvard "McGovern for President" organization canvassed about 1000 Harvard students, organized a rally for McGovern at the Law Forum Speech, and pushed buttons and fliers at the auditorium.

Far from relying totally on the youth constituency, McGovern emphasizes. "The strongest thing about our campaign is that we are building a good grass roots organization in the primary states." The major thrust of the McGovern organization is aimed at three primaries: New Hampshire, Wisconsin, Massachusetts. Pessimistic about his first battle with Muskie in the New Hampshire primary, the western Senator looks forward to victory in his home territory--Wisconsin.

He is also confident about the Massachusetts primary especially in view of the promised absence of the ever popular Teddy Kennedy.

Question: Will you ever support Teddy Kennedy?

McGovern: No.

Q: Never?

McG: No.

Q: Can we really believe Teddy Kennedy won't run for president?

McG: I confer with him all the time and I think he can be trusted when he says he is not going to run.

Q: Will Teddy Kennedy support you in the Massachusetts primary?

McG: No, not necessarily. He merely advised me to enter. I asked him whether I should, he said, yes. I asked him whether I would bump into him there. He said, no chance.

At the press conference McGovern vehemently announced he would never throw his support to any other candidate before the convention: "I will stay through to the Miami Beach Convention. I am not going to yield. They have to beat me."

McGovern's relaxed low-keyed image--which made him seem almost tired and bored at Saturday's press conference--seems to be a major problem in generating an enthusiastic campaign. So far the campaign organization has emphasized his stand on issues rather than his personality to provoke support.

Despite his bland political image, McGovern is far from lackluster in the programs he has proposed and the issues he has supported. His campaign theme translates his idealistic, humanitarian philosophies into specific, bold, but often contradictory, programs. His speeches urge a reconciliation of foreign and domestic politics, a return of our leaders to the ideals for which the country is supposed to stand, and a massive revision of the national tax structure to distribute wealth more evenly. Although he attempts to present political programs which are at the same time idealistic and practical, his political stands contain an inconsistency which is perhaps inherent in any such attempt.

In the area of foreign policy McGovern demands an end to America's police actions around the world: "It's time we asked, 'Is it true these people (North Vietnamese) are better dead than red? And who gave us the authority to play God for other people?'" He has demanded an end to military aid to military dictatorships as in Greece, Pakistan and Vietnam; he has called for an end to our military arrangements around the world: and as the co-author of the McGovern-Hatfield Act, he tried to set a December 31, 1971 deadline on withdrawal of U.S. troops from Vietnam.

His position in the Middle East, however, is surprisingly inconsistent with his non-interventionist beliefs. Expounding on his pro-Israel views in the interview McGovern said, "Israel is not a military dictatorship--it is not oppressing people. We have a special commitment to Israel in that we helped bring it into being. If she is unable to defend herself, we should give her aid."

His more radical pro-Israel proposals include continued administration of Jerusalem by Israel, Yiddish language broadcasts of the Voice of America to the three million Jews now living in the Soviet Union, and a firm commitment by the United States to the survival and security of Israel.

McGovern's attitude towards the U.N. is also inconsistent. Pessimistic about the effectiveness of the U.N. as a peace-keeper he says, about the Middle East dilemma, "I think we can safely rule out U.N. assistance in peace keeping. It is difficult for the U.N. to function when the Arab votes can lock its action."

On the two China issue, however, McGovern's faith in the U.N. is absolute. He gives full support to the recent decision to oust Taiwan in favor of Peking: "I am for it. I think the U.N. acted wisely. Both governments agree that there is only one legitimate government. It is simply a matter of deciding which is the true government of China. I think the U.N. chose correctly."

Strangely enough, his agreement with the U.N. action does not go so far as to dismiss Taiwan completely. Hedging the issue of American policy toward the future of Taiwan, he said: "I think that question can be solved by those two governments alone but I am confident that it will be peaceably resolved."

Despite his nebulous and often contradictory position on foreign policy, in his hard hitting domestic program, he successfully reconciles McGovern the idealist and McGovern, the pragmatist. Campaigning under the lincoln green banner of Robin Hood, he proposes a tax system to "take from the rich and give to the poor" and does everything but call President Nixon the Sheriff of Nottingham. His program includes excess profits tax, an end to oil depletion allowances, a realistic minimum income tax, an increased tax on millionaires, and better consumer protection.

When McGovern does something, he does it in a big way. Rather than just supporting Women's Liberation, he has committed himself to placing a woman in the first spot available on the Supreme Court. He does not stop at merely opposing the war in Vietnam but goes on to propose "a general amnesty for all those who have stood up against it." And if he can not have his all-volunteer army, he demands a more democratic system of draft exemptions.

McGovern may not look like the most exciting Presidential possibility but the impression can be misleading.

His stand on issues has been consistently bold, if occassionally contradictory, and the idealism of his Robin Hood program does not blind him to the reality of human greed.

Behind McGovern's mild, suntanned face lies a pointed yet subtle humor. As the chevy station wagon creeps through bridge traffice across the Charles, he quips about his Forum Speech:

I noticed that inheritance tax didn't go over too well with this crowd (laughter). You can tell what kind of audience that was. But anyway, the young lawyers sure loved the thought of all those pollution suits coming along