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Democrats were snickering. Some Republicans were embarassed, others were bewildered and still others thought it was funny. But none of them -- Republicans or Democrats -- could find the Republican nominee for state treasurer, Joseph Fernandes. All they knew was that he was somewhere in Europe.
Fernandes, the owner of a string of supermarkets on the South Shore, was chosen to run for treasurer 48 hours before the Republican State Convention met in Boston on June 25. Until Fernandes' candidacy was announced by Governor John A. Volpe, no other Republican had sought the nomination. Volpe had contacted Fernandes, who was then in Denmark, and asked him if he would accept the nomination, Fernandes cabled back that he would and thus on Saturday, June 25, Joe Fernandes was nominated in absentia.
But Volpe had apparently neglected to tell Fernandes that he must file written acceptance of the nomination at the Secretary of State's office within ten days after the convention to make the nomination official. And it was Fernandes' failure to return from Europe immediately after the convention that caused the Republican bewilderment and the Democratic snickering.
Volpe's staff had been unable to contact Fernandes by last Friday afternoon, which was nearly a week after the close of the convention, but they were no longer quite so bewildered. They felt sure that Fernandes would be the Republican nominee for treasurer even if he did not sign the papers in time; 10,000 signatures would place Fernandes' name on the primary ballot. Furthermore, Fernandes' chances of election were greatly increased by his absence. The peculiar details of his endorsement and of the frantic Republican efforts to reach him were widely publicized. Overnight Fernandes became known at least as well as Democrat Robert Q. Crane, the incumbent Treasurer. But the realization that the sudden boost to Fernandes' candidacy was due primarily to a strange set of circumstances rather than to any pronouncements of his own still embarrased some Republicans. They would like to think a Republican can win an election because he is a Republican, but if Fernandes wins they realize that his victory will be due in large part to his trip.
Although the governor, the lieutenant governor, and the attorney general are Republicans, none of them owe their offices to their membership in the Republican party. Poor opposition and large personal interparty organizations elected most of them.
In 1960, John Volpe, a wealthy contractor and the son of immigrants, became governor in his first bid for elective office. Volpe defeated Sen. Joseph D. Ward (D-Fitchburg), then the Secretary of State. Although he was the official Republican candidate, Volpe, aware that Democrats outnumbered Republicans by 2 to 1, scarcely mentioned his affliation. Few of his posters contained any reference to the Republican party and Volpe's campaign slogan was "Vote the Man [i.e. rather than the party], Vote Volpe." The idea of placing a businessman at the head of government appealed greatly to a corruptionweary electorate as did Volpe's promises to investigate the charges of misconduct made against the Democratic administrations of the late 50's.
Perhaps through overconfidence, Volpe was lax in his next campaign and he lost in 1962 to Democrat Endicott Peabody '42. (Denmark always seems to be involved in Republican fortunes. Volpe made a trip to Denmark during this campaign, and many observers feel that if he had spent the time campaigning in Massachusetts he would have been reelected.)
Two years later, Volpe, again campaigning primarily on his own name and on promises of reform, defeated Democratic Lt. Gov. Francis X. Bellotti for the governorship. Volpe was aided by many anti-Bellotti votes in that election, which was quite close. Bellotti had defied an unwritten rule of good political behavior by running against (and defeating) Peabody for the Democratic nomination. Many friends of Peabody's resented this and voted for Volpe.
Lt. Gov. Elliot Richardson '41 in his first attempt at elective office in 1962, was less reluctant to hide his Republican credentials, partially cause they were so obvious. Richardson had been an Asst. Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare under President Eisenhower as well as the Eisenhower-appointed United States Attorney for Massachusetts. Equally important to Richardson, however, was the Democratic opposition. John Costello, a member of the Executive Council (a tiny relic of Colonial days which reviewed most of the Governor's appointments) proved to be a not very energetic, inarticulate campaigner. In the same election the voters stripped the Executive Council, which had an unsavory reputation, of most of its powers.
Even retiring U.S. Senator Leverett Saltonstall '14 owed his Senate seat to more than his adherence to Republican principles. Unlike most Boston Brahmins, Saltonstall has always been a favorite of the Boston Irish. His graceful gentlemanly style as well as his willingness to campaign among the Irish have often been cited along with his refusal to be cowed by their glib politicians. Once, shortly after South Boston's St. Patrick's Day Parade, Boston's Mayor James Michael Curley told Saltonstall at a public meeting that the secret of Saltonstall's success was that he had "a South Boston face." Saltonstall smiled and replied, "Ah, but, Your Honor, it's the same face before and after elections." Curley who was the master of repartee just stood there with his mouth open.
Some political observers feel that Attorney General Edward W. Brooke would not have won so easily if his Democratic opponent in the 1962 election was someone other than Francis E. Kelly. Kelly, an old-fashioned politician who advocates a sweepstakes as a means of revenue, was popular in the 30's but hasn't been able to win an election since 1949.
Two years later Brooke was reelected when his Democratic opponent, James Hennigan, then a state legislator unknown outside his own district, provided a lackluster campaign, because of a lack of money.
Many Republicans feel that the state GOP has begun to develop a positive identify during the past two years. The efforts of Volpe and Richardson and Brooke have taught the voters, they claim, to think of Republicans as more than reformers and seat-warmers who preserve the status quo between Democratic administrations.
Volpe's handling of the Sales Tax issue is cited to illustrate that Republicans can be as determined and aggressive as Democrats while conducting themselves in a more statesman-like manner. And Richardson's transformation of the lieutenant governor's office from the residence of the Commonwealth's ribbon-cutter to the policy-making center for many of the state's health, education and welfare programs is offered as a sign of Republican imagination.
It is this supposed change in the Republican image--from that of care-taker to that of energetic and informed statesman -- that inspires the feeling that Republicans can now win without downplaying the party. GOP leaders feel that their task is to protect and strengthen this new-found positive identity. Thus, they would have been especially embarrassed by an inability to present a full slate of candidates to their fellow Republicans in the September primary. A lack of candidates would have been a sure sign that the vote-getting power of the Republican image is still slight.
In fact, the lengths Volpe had to go to get a man for every office suggests just that. It is not at all obvious that Republican strength rests on more than the party's vigorous personalities or the opposition's week candidates. There was virtually no competition for two state wide-offices (Raymond Traubel, the endorsee for Secretary of State, was drafted from the governor's State House staff, and like Fernandes, his candidacy was announced less than 72 hours before the convention), and for a third, there was only a belated struggle. That fight did not develop until the Democrats nominated Joseph McGuire for Lieutenant Governor; McGuire is unknown outside his home city of Worcester, and his only political experience seems to be an unsuccessful attempt to get the convention endorsement for the same office in 1964.
With Richardson deciding to become the endorsee for Attorney General and with McGuire offering the prospect of minimal competition, a four-way battle emerged for the lieutenant governorship. But hardly any of the candidates, including the eventual winner, Francis W. Sargent, Volpe's former Commissioner of Public Works, seemed attracted solely by the party's image. The value of the endorsement is still a relative, not an absolute thing.
The Republicans who believe that their party has a positive and active image may not be entirely wrong -- just premature. Republican governors, since the '40's when they became the exception rather than the rule, have had difficulty winning election for consecutive two-year terms. Thus, only fragments of any of their long-range plans have ever been enacted.
But this November's elections may be the most important in many-a-year for both Republicans and Democrats. In November, for the first time, state wide officers will be elected for four, instead of two years. With an uninterrupted term like that, Volpe may be able to demonstrate whether the Republicans can do more than keep the corner office warm between Democratic Administrations
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