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"Conservatism is at a crossroads." So goes the common thinking. If the Goldwater-Miller ticket is defeated, as appears likely, then, it is reasoned, "conservatism" will sink into political oblivion. Having been given the "choice" they so long clamored for and having had their choice soundly rejected, the conservatives will quietly disappear from sight.
This thesis is nothing more than wishful thinking.
It ignores a fundamental reality of the conservative strength in America. Barry Goldwater is not a cause; he is a result--a result of staunchly dedicated, hard-working, sincere proponents of conservatism at the grass roots level. These people, a minority, imposed their candidate and their views on one of the two major political parties. A Goldwater defeat--even a large one--will disappoint but not deter them. Whatever the outcome in November, the people who have toiled diligently for the conservative cause are determined not to let it die.
A look at conservative strength where it really exists--in pockets at the local level all over the nation--confirms its durability. Wisconsin, the home of the late Senator McCarthy and still one of the bastions of conservatism, serves as a case in point.
Just outside of the state's largest city, Milwaukee, there is an unusual bookstore. The people who work there take no wages; they receive no profit.
The front walls of the small shop--called the Book Pedlar--are lined with inexpensive booklets and pamphlets. The titles are blunt: "Communism and the Negro Revolution" (44 pages, published by the "Patrick Henry Group"); "The Socialistic Views of Nelson Rockefeller" (published by the Independent American, "a national Conservative newspaper, which is dedicated to the restoration of Constitutional Government"); and "The Time Has Come, An Up-to-date Report to Those Who Know the Score" (by Robert Welch, founder of the John Birch Society).
No desire for monetary gain, but rather a sincere desire to save her country, motivated a local housewife to open the Book Pedlar. "AMERICANISM and our Christian heritage is [sic] the sheme and story of the Book Pedlar," she says in a small printed note of explanation. "Today, with the realization that we are living in an age when the world stands at a great spiritual crossroad--there is a definite need to distinguish truth from error. Militant atheism is waging a concerted battle for the control of the minds of men...and Americans are challenged to meet this threat. In addition, socialistic and tolitaritan [sic] forms of government threaten to dilute our American principle of 'government by law.'"
The political right is deeply entrenched in Wisconsin. It controls the state Republican party. A few days before the San Francisco Convention, the state GOP chairman declared that if Goldwater were not nominated, his organization would in effect ignore the national ticket. Support of the conservative cause, however, extends beyond the GOP. The John Birch Society, the Christian Anti-Communist Crusade and many local groups have faithful followings.
Although still in the thick of the presidential campaign, staunch conservatives are not ignoring the prospect of a Goldwater defeat. If Goldwater loses, "the hard core will remain," comments Edward Friend, a prominent Milwaukee conservative and former chairman of Wisconsin's fifth Congressional district. "They're doing it because they have convictions--they're dedicated, motivated...They would rather die than surrender what they honestly believe in their hearts."
William Grede, a local industrialist who helped found the John Birch Society and now serves on its national council, throws a slightly different light on the Johnson-Goldwater race: "Win or lose, this debate between conservatism and liberalism will help conservatives...This is the first breakthrough the conservatives have had." He emphasizes that regardless of the outcome in November, the Birch Society "must" continue.
This view--that the Goldwater candidacy, even in defeat, marks a significant beginning for the growth of the conservative movement in America--is held by many others. Even if wrong, it tends to encourage, not discourage, a continued tireless devotion to the conservative cause. For just as civil rights has stirred the passions and gained the undivided dedication of a small minority of people, conservatism, on the other end of the political bench, has done the same.
The commitment to conservatism is seen in two women. They are chatting in the corner of the Book Pedlar. One asks about the League of Women Voters. "They're the most liberal group in town," answers the other; "don't even try to infiltrate them."
To many, the mere mention of "infiltration" suggests treachery. Perhaps they are right, but to the two women, any act of "infiltration" is better classified as an act of "salvation"--salvation of the United States, a Republic, a country of individuals, a country free from the encroachments of big government.
Passionate dedication to the conservative cause takes many forms. Founding the Book Pedlar is one answer. Joining the Birch Society or smaller "study groups" is another. Active participation in politics is yet a third.
Whatever the precise form, the commitment does exist. One prominent Milwaukee conservative points out the dedication of a local study group: "There are a number of ladies in my neighborhood who simply meet at each other's houses every now and then and ... discuss issues. Most of them are extremely intelligent women, and they do a lot of reading. They establish files into which they put articles and clippings which appeal to them."
This man himself has three filing cabinets of carefully catalogued clippings and pamphlets on communism.
When conservatives and ultra-conservatives turn to politics, they do so with determination. In Wisconsin, they tightly control the local Republican apparatus in many areas. Just last spring a Republican caucus in one of Wisconsin's ten Congressional districts passed resolutions which opposed the graduated income tax, called for the defeat of the civil rights bill, and asked for a full-scale investigation of the State Department" in the best McCarthy tradition.
'Kookie' Young Reps
A prominent "moderate" Milwaukee Republican declares that two of the metropolitan area's Republican clubs (including the state's largest, with more than 5000 members) are controlled by Birch elements or Birch sympathizers. He says that the state's "radical right" is well financed, and then ticks off a number of important industrialists who give their full support to the movement. In addition, he claims that "the party is dependent on these people for big contributions."
Conservatives and ultra-conservatives have also been at work among the youth of the party. "Young Republican Clubs around here are full of 'kooks,'" this moderate Republican explains. The conservatives, he elaborates, "are the people who actually run these groups."
Thus, for years, conservatives have been laboring doggedly in areas like Wisconsin. As more than a partial result of their efforts, Barry Goldwater is the Republican presidential nominee. The moderates should have learned one thing in San Francisco: the conservatives deeply believe in the rightcousness of their cause; their toil is not solely an attempt to gain power, and, once they have attained power at any level, they will not easily modify the views that prompted them to action in the first place.
The conservative is where he is today--not only in certain segments of the Republican party, but also in parts of the Democratic party--because he works hard. Those who dislike the conservative and his credo must work even harder if they are to demolish his power
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