Unrest in Rhodesia

The recent deaths of some forty black Africans in civil disturbances in Nyasaland contrasts sharply with the image of a harmonious multi-racial state which Britain had in view when she formed the Central African Federation in 1953.

At that time it was hoped that the self-governing colony of Southern Rhodesia could unite with the protectorates of Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland to form a federation whose eventual goal would be an independent dominion within the Commonwealth. Nyasaland, with its over 99 per cent black population, feared domination by the strong white settler population of Southern Rhodesia; but it was hoped that the Federation would help both areas economically and would constitute a buffer betwen the reactionary white government of South Africa and the pure black territories to the North.

Largely under the liberal pressure of the Colonial Office in London, the Federal government, which was soon dominated by the white settler population of Southern Rhodesia, has allowed reduced segregation, university integration, and limited participation of Africans in government. But the scale and speed of these advances have not satisfied the increasingly articulate nationalists, who fear that if the Federation is accorded dominion status when the question comes up in 1960, the colonialists will take advantage of their independence to suppress African rights. In line with the official policy, originally that of Cecil Rhodes, of giving the vote to every "civilized man," the white minority has held a decisive, though declining majority in the Federal Parliament.

Dr. Hastings Banda, who has dubiously honored himself with the title of "extremist of extremists," is the area's chief nationalist spokesmon. Until his return to Southern Rhodesia last summer, there had been no trouble in six years, but since then his messianic influence seems to have encouraged the nationalist African Congress party to turn from politics to militant agitation. This has served to discredit the moderate whites who permitted his return to Rhodesia and to strengthen extremists on both sides.

It is hard to deny Dr. Banda a fine sense of timing, for just as Britain's Lord Perth was about to negotiate increased constitutional rights for the Africans and independence for the Federation--a victory for the moderates of both races--civil disturbances broke out and the talks were interrupted. Throughout the territory there were scattered instances of intimidation, property destruction, and the interruption of communications.

Too anxious to assert its authority and frightened by the recent outbreaks in the Belgian Congo, the Federal government's reaction was hasty and excessive. A state of emergency was declared, the African Congress was banned, and Dr. Banda and many of its leaders were arrested. While these measures may have been necessary to preserve the peace, the use of white Rhodesian reservists in Nyasaland, rather than the British ones available in Kenya, was not needed, and is certain to stimulate bad feeling. Equally unfortunate was the recent forceful expulsion of a visiting Labourite Member of Parliament, who was accused, perhaps rightly, of encouraging the nationalists.

Now that both sides have resorted to force, the familiar pattern of extremists appearing as the representative element is again revealed. Clearly, however, neither white dominance nor Nyasaland's withdrawal from the Federation is the answer. Economically, Nyasaland could not survive alone, for it gets over half its budget from the Rhodesias and its labor surplus relies on the Rhodesian copper industry. Nor would merger with her black and bankrupt neighbor, Tanganyika, help.

Politically, breakup of the Federation could also be disastrous, for Northern Rhodesia would soon want independence from Southern Rhodesia, which might then have to join South Africa, certainly no improvement for her black majority. Political independence, as the recent black-versus-black riots in the free Congo Republic in which 120 were killed demonstrates, would by no means be an unmixed blessing for a state as unprepared as Nyasaland.

Impetus for any solution will evidently have to come from London, rather than from the settlers or the nationalists. The suggested establishment of a Parliamentary Commission is a valuable step, for by arriving at a decision before the scheduled revision date of 1960, it would prevent the outcome from being a political result of the forthcoming British election, as now seems to be the danger.

More immediately, it is necessary to restore order, after which the constitutional talks could be resumed. An extension of Britain's role in the territory beyond 1960 also seems inevitable, if there is to be any guarantee that irresponsible elements are not to dominate the Federation. The only conclusion which is consistent both with the economic and social advance of the territory and with the aspirations of the population, is to permit Nyasaland to become an African state within the Federation.