Law Student Visits Castro's Cuba: Soldiers and Inhabitants Exultant

The author of this article, a graduate of the class of '56, is a Harvard Law School student, currently on a leave of absence. He was in Cuba from January 13 through January 21, shortly after the present government came into power. The photographs of alleged Batista atrocities which were released by members of the present regime, are supplied by the author in order to help illuminate the motivations which lie behind the revolutionary trials. The CRIMSON does not necessarily agree with the editorial opinions expressed by the author.

There is an exhilarating air in Cuba today. One can sense the new-born optimism and joy in the atmosphere of the carabets. As more than one bar-tender told me, it was taboo in recent years to discuss matters of politics in public, for one never knew when his remarks might be overheard by a chivato (informer) and construed as being unfavorable to the ruling dictatorship of Juan Batista. Life was short and the end unpleasant for the few bold Cubans who dared to be so outspoken. But now the carabets are alive with gay music and singing.

Business, for the most part, is nearly back to normal in Havana. The tourists are slowly returning to the suffering hotels, as they realize that the fighting and danger are over. The exotic Cuban climate is as alluring as ever, the ubiquitous busses driven by mad geniuses called guageros zoom miraculously through narrow city streets, and the colorful street vendors tirelessly ply their wares upon bargain-hunting Americanos.

Viva Fidel

"Viva 26, "Viva Fidel," and "Viva Castro" are boldly scrawled everywhere, on doors, windows, automobiles, and lampposts. Even if there are no rebel soldiers present, which is seldom the case, the conversation on street corners seldom strays far from the topic of revolutionary movement, as it has not for the past several months. But the subject is different now; in the past the talk was of battles and raids, while now it concerns the latest developments in the slowly evolving democratic government, the trials, and the executions.

The center of political activity in Havana today is the head-quarters of Fidel Castro on the 23rd floor of the luxurious Havana Hilton. The spacious, plushly-furnished lobby of the swank hotel presents the observer with a curious and incongruous sight. It seems strange to see the bearded rebel soldiers, armed to the teeth, rubbing shoulders and sometimes tolerantly conversing with the Hilton's exclusive clientele, who come from all over the world. But after a while no one seems out-of-place in the crowd; not even the pretty young Cuban bobby-soxers who come with their cameras and autograph books and wait for hours for a glimpse of their new national hero, Fidel Castro.

Interview with Castro

I managed to get an appointment for an interview with Castro. At the appointment hour I duly appeared, presented my pass and was admitted. Fidel (He is never addresed anything but "Fidel" (to his face) bade me make myself comfortable "for a few minutes" in the wide hall. When the "few minutes" dragged into two and a half hours the picture had changed considerably. I was no longer waiting alone in the vestibule. With me were no less than 17 other visitors, all more important than I. So I decided to try a desparate strategem. I entered the bedroom, closed the door behind me, and stalked into the inner chamber. "Fidel," I declared, in a voice that I hope sounded convincing, "my plane back to the states leaves in exactly one hour. (It actually was to leave the next morning.) May I have just five minutes of your time:

"Why of course," he answered, and to the friend in the room, "Won't you excuse me?" And so it was that I got my interview.

It has been said that there are two kinds of people--those who think and those who feel. If Fidel Castro had to be listed under one of these categories it would have to be the latter. A man of tremendous physical stamina, he seems to put all of his energies into persuading his listeners of the truth of what he says. It is impossible to talk with Castro and come away unconvinced of his honesty, sincerity, and heartfelt conviction in his own beliefs.

On the question of Communism it is high time that a frequently recurring ghost be laid low. Fidel Castro himself is neither a Communist nor a communist sympathizer. Moreover, he sees no real danger of Communism coming into power as results of the recent re-birth of the strength of the labor unions. Although many of his soldiers have confided to me their willingness to attack the Dominican Republic in a two-pronged blow at Batista and Trujillo, Castro himself professes no knowledge of any such plans. His manner, moreover, suggested that Batista's threat to return to Cuba at the head of 10,000 troops need not even be taken seriously.

Castro's most eloquent remarks, however, came when he was asked about the trials and executions under way. He spoke in understandable, though imperfect English:

"I am a man of the people. Not aristocratic not military, but a man of the people . . . If 51 per cent of the people didn't want the executions there would be none. But when 90 per cent of Cuba want them, I would be a dictator if I stopped them." He referred here to a public opinion poll conducted last week in Havana by radio station CMQ, which found that 93 per cent of those polled were in favor of continuing executions.

In talking about United States congressmen who had protested the executions, he said, "What country are they living in? The Moon? If we delay now in Cuba, people will assault the prison and take justice into their own hands. The accounts of the past must be settled before the people can concentrate their attention on the future." He went on to repeat the arguments he had previously advanced to the effect that only those concerning whose guilt there could be no doubt were being executed now; that an extraordinary situation like a revolution demanded extraordinary measures like military tribunals, that Cuba had nothing to hide and that every trial would continue to be made public, that the world might sit in judgment.

As I thanked him, upon leaving, for giving me some of his valuable time, he placed his hand upon my shoulder, and ushered me out with this parting shot: "Do you love the truth? I love the truth."

As for Castro's supporters, the strength and foundation of the 26 July movement (so named after Castro's first battle against the Batista forces in 1953) lies in the omnipresent barbudos, the rebel soldiers who roamed the streets while I was in Havana, still armed with the rifles, pistols and knives with which they won their freedom. The name "barbudo" (beard) is derived from the fact that most of these men wore long beards and or curly hair. The beards are currently being retained by most of Castro's followers as a symbol of their identity, at least until they return to the distant agrarian provinces from which they were recruited.

Army is Mixed Group

Both the personnel and armament of Castro's army are heterogeneous in the extreme. Most men carry Browning Automatic Rifles, M-l's, or Thompson sub-machine guns purchased through agents in the United States. There are many, however, who carry rifles of Dominican origin. These are weapons which Trujillo originally sold to Batista, but which were later captured in rebel raids upon government arsenals. I asked the bearded owner of one such rifle whether he had a bullet ready for original owner Trujillo, in the event of a Cuban "liberation" expedition to the Dominican Republic. He slowly replied, "No, I have not just one bullet, I have a whole magazine-full of them."

If the guns are of varied origins, so much the more so are troops. Venezuela, Mexico, Argentina, and the United States are the principal countries represented, but I am told that there is at least one soldier from every country in Latin America. I was surprised to find several Americans among the barbudos, since they risked losing their citizenship by fighting for a foreign country.

Some of their stories are almost as interesting as the history of the revolution itself. One young man in his early twenties wrote advertising copy in Chicago until several months ago, when, as he tells it, he "developed an intense dislike for Batista." He lost no time in joining Castro in the hills of the Sierra Maestra. When asked about his future plans, now that the struggle is over, the writer replied nonchalantly, "I think I may go to Israel. I don't like Nasser either."

Trials Raise U.S. Ire

World opinion in general and that of the United States in particular, was shocked during the past two weeks when the headlines glared with the ominous news of the execution of more and more of Batista's henchmen. The understandable reaction of many, if not most American editorial columns was one of disapproval and disappointment. Indeed, I went to Havana with such an attidue, but my mind was soon changed. On the basis of what I have personally seen and heard, I have no doubt but that the executions are deserved.

Those who have been tried and executed so far have not been the one or two shot assassins. They have been the most notorious and sadistic of Batista's henchmen, some of whose individual acts of cruelty number in the hundreds. They have been men like Jesus Sosa Blanco, recently condemned killer, who allegedly took the lives of 108 persons, and whose name has become synonymous with cruelty throughout Oriente province.

Most of those who have been tried and punished have been members of SIM (Servicio de Intlligencia Militar), probably the most powerful arm of Batista's huge police and espionage force, similar in their operation to Hitler's Gestapo. Often SIM officials would work in conjunction with informers who in return for their services would sometimes be paid a salary or in other cases be allowed to operate certain illegal activities within a particular geographical area.

More Atrocities Reported

The atrocities committed by the "war criminals" are only now coming to light. For the 16 months preceding the Castro victory, a strict censorship was imposed upon Cuban communication media. There was no such thing as a free press. Now as witnesses take the stand in the daily trials of their former tormentors, the long suppressed stories and pictures are appearing of sadistic tortures, mutilated bodes, with fingernails, eyes, or other organs missing.

Nor are these isolated instances. Stories of additional, and perhaps more egregious acts of cruelty are pouring into Havana every day. In the little town of Minas de Bueycito in Oriente Province, 450 persons were reported found in an abandoned mine shaft. Early estimates of the number of persons killed or tortured by Batista's men are now thought to be too conservative, and Castro predicts that the final figure will approach 20,000.

Some Prisoners Acquitted

In the recent "blood bath" hysteria which has existed in some quarters, some have lost sight of the fact that not of all the persons tried have been convicted. In Santiago de Cuba, 24 were released, and in Matanzas, 50-odd were set free. It is probably the understatement of the year to say that there has been much misunderstanding lately between the U.S. and Cuba. Our well publicized calls for intervention or punishment in various forms are antagonizing not only the Cubans but people of all Latin American countries. In a conversation with Gustavo Olguin, Mexican movie and television executive, I learned that the Mexican people are taking great interest in our conduct toward Cuba, and that there is now a growing wave of anti-Americanism in that country as a result of the pronouncements of the past few weeks. If the United States is to retain the respect of the Spanish-speaking countries south of the Rio Grande, it must quickly develop a realistic and sensible attitude toward Cuban internal affairs.The president of the student body of Havana University lies dead after being shot down in the gutter before the university. A student resistance movement was named after the date of his death, March 13, 1957. His successor met a similar fate.