Excerpts from Flander's Lectures

Senator Ralph E. Flanders gives his third and last Godkin Lecture tonight. Here are some excerpts from his previous two lectures.

I. Internal Strength

The undertaking to which this series of lectures addresses itself is, it must be confessed, a pretentious one. There is involved, first the recognition that the wheel of destiny has turned. It has now come to a momentary pause, and the destinies of the world, fortunate or unfortunately, are placed in our surprised, reluctant and untrained hands . . .

As compared with any other people at any other time in the world's history or for that matter any other people at the present time in the world's history, we are enjoying in this country more abundant material benefits than can be found elsewhere at any time. Not everyone is fully provided with the necessities of food, clothing, and shelter. Not everyone has employment. But taking the country as a whole and taking the rest of the world as a whole, the percentage of Americans who are suffering real deprivation is small indeed as compared with other peoples, and the percentage of those who are living in comfort, who enjoy the possessions of such luxuries as automobiles and radios, is far, far beyond that ever seen or heard of elsewhere. We are doing well, but we feel, and rightly so, that we are not doing well enough . . .

In paying for the heavy burdens of wars, depressions, and welfare services, our taxes have been raised so high that they are constituting in themselves an influence which leads away from freedom and towards socialism. They restrict the ability of the citizen to spend as he pleases. Instead they channel a considerable part of his earnings into general welfare which he may or may not desire. Worse than this in the long run is the deadening hand of taxes on new enterprises and undertakings and the comparative strength they also give to old established businesses. Freedom to start something now with some chance of success is diminishing year by year. Year by year the big companies are consolidated in their competitive positions. No laws can change this situation so long as the amount and kind of our taxation makes it inevitable . . .

Conservatism has a real solid, negative value. It can offer reasoned objections to foolish proposals. Every proposal for improving society should pass through the fire of conservative criticism. Were there no conservatives available for this process, we would have to invent them somehow or other.

The role of the conservative is particularly important when we consider his opposite number, the emotional liberal. The liberal of this sort is one whose emotions are stirred when he reads a tag. If the tag says "pro union," he votes for whatever is in the package, whether it helps members of unions or not . . .

But we can draw from (the 30's) most valuable lessons. One of them is that it should be easier to avoid a depression than to cure it. Continuous watching and suitable remedial action is possible and lies within the province of the President's Economic Council and the Joint Committee of Congress. It remains to be seen whether those bodies will act on the basis of short-sighted, political expediency or will address themselves to the serious task assigned to them . . .

In conclusion, let us face the difficulties in our situation. We have to persuade people whether as members of political parties, trade unions, farm organizations, or business groups--that they should look at the long-range interests of all the people rather than to the short-range interests of their own group. We have to do this in spite of the fact that those who undertake it may thereby lose the positions which give strength and carrying power to their words.

II. External Policy

But there may be less crude ways in which we can expand. Perhaps we can set up spheres of influence here and there which give us some of the results of power without all the responsibilities of ownership and government . . .

If our balance of trade shows more exports than imports, we have been accustomed in years past to call it a "favorable" balance. It is obviously an imbecility to attach the word "favorable" to a situation in which the outgo exceeds the income. No man would call that situation favorable in his private business or his personal accounts. It is unfavorable . . .

All this leads to the conclusion that within the limits of our resources and abilities, we will oppose the expansion of Communism in the world, will be on the aggressive instead of on the defensive, and will cooperate with other nations which have the same ends to protect--the material prosperity and the freedom of their citizens . . .

It is clear that such things as the Marshall Plan have been extremely useful in carrying out our political policy of stopping the growth of Communism; but it is likewise clear that we must prepare more definite military defenses, as well as political ones, if we are to maintain ourselves as a prosperous democracy . . .

We know, or think we know, that Russia has the atomic bomb at its disposal. We don't know how many she has. If we view the situation with sanity, we have no reason to feel that everything depends on our knowing how far Russia has advanced in her program. We do want to make sure that we can retaliate instantly and overwhelmingly.