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Governor John "Doubleyou" Bricker, the Sage of the Midwest, has come out with a statement that is a masterpiece of political sophistry. "America is not, has never been and will never be an isolationist nation." Bricker, whose bid for the G.O.P. Presidential nomination has the cager support of that old internationalist, Senator Robert A. Taft, thus neatly evaded committing himself on the question of isolationism by refusing to recognize its existence. An observer unblinded by the necessities of political conciliation might perceive that isolationism was, is now, and will be a matter of burning moment for a great sector of our population, particularly for our representatives in the national legislature.
Even today, in the seventeenth month of our struggle against the international disease of fascism, a goodly proportion of our national Congress as well as of the American people seem to have forgotten the fact which Pearl Harbor should have made inescapable and unforgettable--no point on the globe is more than sixty hours distant by bomber; no nation is safe amidst international anarchy. But the isolationists do not, or choose not to, agree.
WHAT THEY'RE DOING NOW
Of course, their non-intervention is a much more finished idiocy than it was before the actions of the Axis turned their blatherings into ashes in the mouth. Take the "Montana Mohammed," Senator Wheeler, for instance. The honorable Mr. Wheeler, who has been so tragically wrong so often, is still a member of that branch of our government charged with the ratification of treaties. And the Senator is still talking. He readily admits that he was an isolationist; in fact, he seems to be proud of the fact. Reluctantly, he admits the Japs attacked us, but, perhaps, if that man Roosevelt hadn't talked so much and made the Japs afraid of us--well, you never can tell. Senator Wheeler also doesn't like the way this war is being conducted. Damning the Administration wherever possible, Senator Wheeler doesn't think that Congress should let the Army decide whether it needs to draft fathers for the service. Like Herbert Hoover, the Senator isn't too anxious to invade Europe to reach the Nazis. After all, Japan is our first enemy, and, moreover, Japan doesn't happen to be fighting Russia. After we defeat the Japs, well--the United Nations might decide to negotiate a peace with Hitler.
And then there's Colonel Bertie McCormick's Chicago Tribune. The Tribune, like Joe Patterson's sheet, isn't too happy about this Russian alliance. Of course, it has every respect for the noble efforts of the valiant Russian heroes, but, as a recent editorial maintained, we mustn't praise them too much lest--mirabile dictu--the conquered peoples become afraid the Axis is going to be beaten. The Tribune's latest contribution to post-war planning has been the redoubtable McCormick (shades of Ely!) Plan, which proposes an Anglo-American Union that would give the British Empire one-sixth the votes given the U. S. and would reduce England to the position of North Dakota. The Great Journalist thinks the Britons too decrepit to resist anyway.
The Reciprocal Trade Agreements will probably be renewed by the Senate, but far-reaching amendments are adjudged inevitable. Moreover, a recent Associated Press poll showed 32 Senators to be opposed to U. S. participation in any international peace-enforcement organization at this time, only 24 definitely committing themselves in favor of the proposal. The Ball-Burton-Hatch-Hill resolution, substantially the same as the above measure, faces an additional obstacle in the formidable machinations of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, which includes Champ Clark, Hiram Johnson, Capper, LaFollette, Vandenberg, Nye and Shipstead on its roster.
THE ISSUE, SIMPLY
Isolationism is far from a dead issue despite Governor Bricker's obscurations. As Drew Middletown points out in last Sunday's Times, most of our fighting forces seem to be relatively unconcerned about the kind of post-war international policy our nation adopts, rather inclining towards a sort of 1938 isolationists normalcy. But such a course would be the shortest road to national suicide. Isolationism was a practicability, however immoral, before the airplane came, before international trade became so critically important, before the disease of fascism. Today isolationism is no longer even a practicable possibility. The issue is very simple, that of World War III. Ages ago, Cain asked, "Am, I my brother's keeper?"; the future of our world depends upon our answer.
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