SHIFT INTO NEUTRAL

Today America wishes to remain neutral. Tomorrow she may not. Today America has a holy resolve to stay out of war--a resolve such as she never had in 1916. It is born of twenty-five years of clever peaceways advertising; it is born of the opinion that these United States were badly used in the last war, of the feeling that European quarrels can and should remain so.

But America today also hates the German state with a hatred terrible to behold. For her there is no problem of war guilt, no question of allegiance, no division of sentiment. And she holds a certain love for her jolly. British cousins, and her French buddiea. She hopes that they will win. She hopes so very much.

Thus far the resolve holds sway over the hatred. But let the Allies begin to lose ground. Let the French millions dash themselves to pieces on the Westwall and the German juggernant begin to roll. Then will a huge wave of propaganda sweep over the nation, rivalled only by a new wave of natural sympathy for the Allied cause. The result will be a sea of passion almost impossible to contain. Then will the resolve crumble and the hatred arise. And then America may go to war.

This is the reason why America must do everything within her power--"measures short of war"--to aid the Allies. It is a very simple and a very selfish reason: the best chance of our remaining neutral is the success of Allied arms. It is sufficient reason for the immediate lifting of the arms embargo and a willingness to send the Allies all the munitions and raw materials which they can purchase. All this, of course, within the limits of cash and carry, the loan embargo, and control of American citizens or shipping.

But suppose the Allies begin to fall back, come what may. Theirs is now a cheerless outlook, unless M. Gamelin is as canny a magician as British propagandists would have us believe. Then Americans wishing to remain neutral must retreat to a second line: they must make a new resolve to stay out of this war at any price--Allies win or lose. They must maintain this resolve above the partners, hatred and sympathy. Successful in this they are successful in their end aim.

For only public opinion in favor of war will take us in. The bankers, the dealers in death are secondary. Even the incidents on the high seas and the insults to national honor are secondary. Furthermore, these factors will be under more effective controls than they were in 1917. For there to be war there must be high-charged hysteria and the blind desire to fight. Without these we remain neutral.

The chances? American public opinion is now much healthier than it was twenty-five years ago. In spite of the crystallized sentiment against the Nazis, it is intent upon viewing all events through polarized glasses. It listens to newscasts with a silent admonition to discriminate in its belief. It reads of atrocities with a conscious effort not to get excited. It maintains a forced detachment from the affair.

This attitude must be maintained, for it is America's hope. There will be a time of testing. The peace at any price stand will not always be so popular as it now is. Therefore we must convince ourselves now that no war is a holy war, that we might be leading for another great double-cross, that we might be fighting Mr. Chamberlain's instead of democracy's war.

And together with this attitude, we must keep faith that we can remain at peace. Perhaps faith can move mountains. At any rate, fatalistic discouragement is the best high-road to the low-land of war. Keep faith, lest the patient die for lack of will-power.