MOSCOW MALEFACTIONS

The instructions sent by the Communist Internationale to their agents in this country and intercepted by the Department of Justice are so extraordinarily sinister and suggestive that one refuses to be alarmed--one finds it difficult to believe that the menacing preparations which are outlined are really going forward, with the gigantic purpose of overthrowing not only the existing government of the United States, but the entire social system as well. The evidence as to the Communist intent, however, is indisputable, whatever doubts may be entertained as to the practicality of their plans; the intercepted dispatches only confirm what observers in Russia and students of the soviet regime have already reported. Mr. John Cowles, who visited Russia in September and October, writes, "I am convinced--which I was not, before visiting Russia--that the bolshevist leaders are still determined to try to bring about world revolution. They are aiding, to as great a degree as their resources permit, revolutionary movements in other countries."

It is, altogether, well established that first, the Internationale is doing its best to prepare for and incite revolution in this country, and second, that the Internationale and the Soviet government of Russia have no difference except in name. In view of this situation there are two courses which make be taken. There is the course which Mr. Hughes has pursued, the course of Wilson, of Harding and now of Coolidge. This policy says, in effect, to Russia: "When you have washed your face and are willing to respect the customs of other nations, you will be welcome to our economic help and moral support." It is rational and appeals to the matter-of-fact people who believe that rewards should be to the deserving and punishment to the wicked. The second course involves a rather different line of reasoning. This, naturally is the recognition of Russia, with everything that would go with it. Its supporters argue that in dealing with other nations, Russia would be forced to adopt their methods and abandon her own; that the influx of foreign capital would necessarily make Russia conservative economically; that an uncorked bottle is less likely to explode than a corked one.

Of course, if there were a general feeling that recognition of Russia would merely increase her potency for hostile propaganda, and would seriously threaten our national safety, recognition would be manifestly out of the question. But the calm way in which the public has accepted the Moscow dispatches, and applied salt to the tales of revolution and conspiracy proves that there is no real fear. It proves, on the contrary, that America regards Russia with interest but certainly without much apprehension. And in view of this favorable attitude, the policy of far-sighted statesmanship,--if not of ordinary, average common-sense--would be recognition.