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President Wilson, we call on you to stop immediately the American intervention in Russia. We call on you to lift what is virtually a blockade of European Russia. We call on you to stop American support of the Generals Denikin, Kolchak, and Yudenitch, and to initiate a policy of financial and economic aid to the Russian people.
The State Department gave on November 4 its reasons for the policy of non-intercourse with territory under Bolshevist control. "It is the declared purpose of the Bolsheviki in Russia," said Assistant Secretary of State Phillips, "to carry revolution throughout the world. . . . . . . The Bolshevik government controls the distribution of necessities, the members of the Red Army receiving three times the average for the several categories of the civilian population."
Mr. President, we need not remind you that the present government of Russia has repeatedly offered to cease its propaganda in return for peace. Do you consider that your present policy toward Russia has resulted in stamping out Bolshevism in the United States? It would be folly to believe that you entertain such an idea. The present policy of the United States toward Russia is a fruitful source of class discord. Laborers all over the country are protesting; they are being driven by your tactics to follow the lead of the railroad workers of France, England and Italy, who threatened to strike if intervention did not cease.
Concerning the Bolshevik method of distribution of necessities, we read in Lincoln Steffens' report of April 2:
"There are three classes. The first can buy, for example, one and one-half pounds of bread a day; the second three-quarters of a pound; the third one-quarter of a pound, no matter how much money they may have. The first class includes soldiers, workers in war, and other essential industries, actors, teachers, writers, experts and Government workers of all sorts. The second class is of all other sorts of workers. The third is of people who do not work the leisure class. . . . The children are in a class by themselves: class A1. They get all the few delicacies--milk, eggs, fruit, game. 'Even the rich children have as much as the poor children.'" Did, this nation not have a Food Controller during the war?
The red terror in Russia has ceased. It ceased six months ago. All the energy of the government has turned to constructive work; the better element is coming to the front. To these facts testify abundantly men recently returned from Russia: journalists like Frazier Hunt, Robert Minor, and Isaac Don Levine, relief workers like Wilfred Humphries of the American Red Cross, military envoys like Captain Sadoul, and government emissaries and agents like William Bullitt and Raymond Robbins. All these men are opposed to intervention in Russia; Herbert Asquith is opposed to it; Mr. President, after your early utterances, how can you be in favor of it?
A Russian revolution is not a Mexican revolution; Lenine as a statesman is the superior of Huerta. He has called your bluff twice, and twice you have backed down. You can not shift the responsibility, Mr. President; Winston Churchill, British Minister of War, declared in the House of Commons on November 6 that "the government's policy is not wholly a British policy, but one carried out in full co-operation with all the Allies, including the United States, who are equally responsible." In the words of Raymond Robbins, "Your policy has resulted not in stamping Bolshevism out, but in stamping Bolshevism in."
For the first time in the history of the United States, American troops--those stationed at Archangel--have mutinied. They are engaged in carrying out an essentially un-American policy--that of armed intervention in a country against which the United States has not declared war. America stands for the principle of self-determination; America stands by the policy of a full and free development for the Russian people, unhampered by outside interference--a policy which you, Mr. President, announced. In this matter you may have changed your mind, but America has not.
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